December 2015: Trump leading Republican Primaries
The wind whispered through the steel canyons of Manhattan on a frigid December morning in 2015, the city’s skyline a jagged crown under a pale winter sky. High above Fifth Avenue, in George Soros’s opulent penthouse, the air carried a tension that belied the festive season.
Marble floors gleamed like polished mirrors, a $12 million Picasso brooding on the wall, its dark strokes a silent witness to the drama unfolding within. Soros, his silver hair catching the light, sat hunched over a glass desk, his aged hands trembling as he read an email from John Podesta, Hillary Clinton’s campaign chairman. The tablet’s blue glow cast shadows across his lined face, the subject line a stark warning: Trump: The Real Threat.
Podesta’s message was blunt, urgent: “He’s surging—polls show him leading Cruz and Kasich by 15 points. We need to act, and we need it now.” Soros’s breath hitched, a low growl escaping his throat, his Hungarian accent thick with the weight of decades spent bending nations to his will. “This man could win,” he murmured, his fingers tapping a slow rhythm on the desk, “and unravel everything—Ukraine, our networks, the whole order.”
The room fell silent, save for the soft clink of a porcelain cup as a wiry aide set it down, steam curling upward. “Sir, he’s a long shot—brash, untested,” the aide ventured, eyes averted. Soros’s gaze hardened. “Long shots topple empires,” he said, snapping his fingers with crisp authority. “Get Barack on the line—now. And Patrick too.”
The phone rang, a shrill intrusion, and Barack Obama answered from the Oval Office, his voice smooth yet edged with resolve. “George, I’ve read Podesta’s take—Trump’s a problem.” Patrick Gaspard joined from a D.C. office, papers rustling in the background. “We move against him,” Soros decreed, the air charged with purpose. “Media, intel, everything.” And so began a conspiracy, a whisper in the winter dark, aimed not just at Trump but at securing Hillary Clinton’s unassailable path to the Democratic nomination.
Across the river in Brooklyn, the campaign headquarters buzzed with frenetic energy. John Podesta, a man whose every gesture bespoke strategy, leaned over a desk littered with polling charts, the air thick with the hum of laptops. It was December 18, 2015, and an email from Neera Tanden, the fiery head of the Center for American Progress, had just arrived. Her words danced on the screen: Trump’s praise of Vladimir Putin as a “strong leader” could be their lever. “We can swift boat him on this,” she proposed, echoing the 2004 smear that had felled John Kerry, her tone laced with calculated intent.
The campaign saw Trump’s neutral stance on Russia—forged in the wake of Crimea’s 2014 annexation—as a vulnerability to exploit, a way to neutralize his rise and, crucially, clear the field for Clinton against Bernie Sanders. Aides scribbled notes, printers whirred to life, and the room filled with the scent of fresh ink as they crafted a narrative: Trump was too close to Putin. It was a gamble, a political fiction with no evidence, but it would grow into a weapon to ensure Clinton’s dominance in the primaries.
The stage broadened by January 12, 2016. In a modest D.C. office, Evelyn Farkas, a former Pentagon Russia policy chief who had slipped into Clinton’s camp after resigning in October 2015, typed with deliberate care. The soft clack of her keyboard filled the air, the faint hum of a heater her only companion, as she penned “Putin’s Russia Is a Paper Tiger” for Politico (Politico, January 12, 2016).
Her words portrayed Russia as a manageable threat, sidestepping Trump—a strategic omission. This was no random analysis; it was a foundation, laid by a woman now aligned with Clinton’s cause, priming the public for a Russia-focused assault. The establishment would later praise it as policy insight, but the timing hinted at a deeper game, a quiet preparation for the battles ahead.
The narrative sharpened on April 4, 2016. In that same office, the air grew electric as Farkas reworked her strategy, her fingers flying over the keys for “How to Counter Putin’s Disinformation” in Politico (Politico, April 12, 2016). The scent of coffee rose, papers rustled, and her tone shifted—now directly tying Trump to Russian influence, urging intelligence sharing.
This pivot traced back to a March 10, 2016, email from Podesta to Farkas and Victoria Nuland: “Trump’s Russia ties—Farkas, you’re our voice” (WikiLeaks, Podesta Emails). Nuland’s response, from a smoky D.C. enclave, was curt: “Soros’s funding the narrative.” Soros’s $2 million to CAP (2016 annual report) and Media Matters’ $500,000 since June 2015 (IRS filings) fueled the fire, unleashing a torrent of anti-Trump stories by July 1—CNN’s “Trump’s Circus” at 8:00 PM, The New York Times’ “A Dangerous Joke” (MRC data). The campaign aimed to drown Sanders’ momentum and cement Clinton’s nomination, the air alive with the hum of a propaganda machine.
April 10, 2016, dawned as a day of reckoning—“The Day Justice Died.” The White House West Wing pulsed with a quiet intensity, the polished wood gleaming under soft lights. At 8:45 AM, George Soros dialed Obama from his Fifth Avenue sanctum, his voice a raspy command over the secure line. “This man could win and undo Ukraine, our networks,” he warned, his fingers tapping a steady beat (powerglobal.us).
At 9:30 AM, Victoria Nuland swept into the Situation Room, her heels echoing, meeting Obama under the pretext of “Ukraine stability”—a veil for Soros’s $25 million Kyiv investment since 2014’s Maidan uprising (OSF annual report Just the News, June 2025). At 10:15 AM, Oleksandr Danylyuk, Ukraine’s finance minister, sat with Biden’s deputy, his suit crisp but gaze nervous, pleading for a $1 billion loan to counter Trump’s rhetoric, the air humming with the rustle of a trident-embossed folder (powerglobal.us).
The afternoon brought a pivotal turn. In the Oval Office, Obama delivered a measured statement on Fox News, a “dog whistle” signaling no charges for Clinton’s bathroom server, the weight of his words settling like a shroud over justice (Fox News, April 10, 2016). In a shadowed West Wing room, Mary Jacoby, Glenn Simpson’s wife, briefed Obama on the Steele dossier’s early drafts, the air thick with the scent of strategy (The Trump Dossier).
Funded by the DNC and Clinton campaign through Perkins Coie (FEC filings), this “pee dossier” would become their ace to lock in her nomination. At 2:00 PM, Obama’s call with Australian PM Malcolm Turnbull turned to “regional security,” a conversation that likely touched on intelligence coordination, though no evidence ties it directly to Downer’s later May 10 meeting with Papadopoulos (Mueller Report). Nuland, fresh from April 4 talks with MI6’s Richard Dearlove in London’s Whitehall halls, wove anti-Trump threads across the Atlantic (Just the News, June 2025).
The international web tightened. On March 24, 2016, Joseph Mifsud met Papadopoulos in a Kensington bar, the air heavy with cigar smoke, dangling “Russian dirt” on Clinton—a setup with MI6 backing (Senate testimony, 2019). On April 10, Stefan Halper, a CIA-MI6 operative, cornered Papadopoulos at a Cambridge conference, his $1M Pentagon funding hinting at a deeper mission (Senate Judiciary Committee Report, 2019).
Downer’s May 10 pub chat with Papadopoulos fueled the FBI’s probe by July 31 (Mueller Report). In Ukraine, Serhiy Leshchenko, Soros-funded, delivered Manafort’s ledger to Biden’s team on May 13, its leak to The New York Times by August 14 weakening Trump’s camp (NYT, August 14, 2016). Brennan and Clapper, with Soros’s $1 million to the Atlantic Council (AC filings), pushed surveillance, the air alive with encrypted whispers.
Biden’s Ukraine role intertwined here. His 2014 push to cut Russian gas and December 2015 demand to oust Shokin, withholding $1 billion, shielded Hunter’s Burisma seat (NYT, 2025). Soros’s $25 million propped pro-Western NGOs (OSF reports), aligning with Obama’s policy. Trump’s skepticism threatened this, making the April 10 meetings a nexus to secure Clinton’s nomination by undermining Sanders and Trump.
The plot surfaced on June 12, 2016. In London’s Ecuadorian Embassy, Assange typed a tweet that would shake the DNC, the air stale with confinement. At 10:30 AM UTC (6:30 AM EDT), he declared: “We have emails relating to Hillary Clinton which are pending publication” (WikiLeaks archives).
Panic gripped the DNC’s South Capitol Street hub, phones ringing, as Wasserman Schultz rallied her team (Chronic Obstruction Alert). Two hours later, a Biden staffer in a West Wing basement crafted “Guccifer 2.0,” doctoring files with Russian metadata, the hum of a server masking his treachery (Hillary’s CrowdStrike). By 2:03 PM, the “cf.7z” file was live, a fabricated shield.
On June 14, 2016, Ellen Nakashima’s Washington Post article, “Russian government hackers penetrated DNC,” endorsed CrowdStrike’s report (Washington Post, June 14, 2016). In Irvine, Alperovitch briefed Sussmann, the air thick with server hum, pushing the GRU line (CrowdStrike, June 2016).
The FBI deferred (FBI records Chronic Obstruction Alert), but Henry’s 2017 admission of no exfiltration proof (House Intelligence Committee, 2020) and The Forensicator’s 22.7 MB/s speed (The Nation, August 2017) exposed a hoax. Dutch intel’s 2015 breach (De Volkskrant, January 25, 2018) further unraveled the tale.
Trump was innocent, the Mueller Report (2019) finding no collusion, the dossier unverified (The Trump Dossier). Rich’s May 25–June 12 leak, silenced on July 10 (The Trump Russia Smear), was buried by Obama and Soros’s grand design—a whole-of-government coup to crown Clinton, justice a casualty of their ambition.
by Brendan Power
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