The Rise of George Soros: From Budapest to Global Influence

The Soros Files: From Budapest Survivor to Global Puppet-Master – The Untold Story of Power, Plunder, and Politics

Alright, folks—strap in for the unfiltered truth about George Soros, the man who’s been sold as a saint of democracy but smells more like a master of global chaos.

We’re tearing through the layers of his story, pulling from Whitney Webb’s jaw-dropping One Nation Under Blackmail, the fire-spitting Get Trump series on Powerglobal.us (Parts 1 through 7, exposing Soros’s shadow empire and its war on Trump), and the raw June 2025 Havachat bio that tracks his rise from war-torn Budapest to global kingpin.

Add the bombshell declassifications from DNI Tulsi Gabbard this year, and you’ve got a tale that’s bigger than any Hollywood thriller.

This isn’t about a lone genius making billions; it’s about a bloke who might’ve been groomed by spies, backed by rich dynasties like the Rothschilds and Rockefellers, to shift wealth, topple regimes, and meddle in elections—all while hiding behind “open society” charity.

We’re telling it like a proper Sun exposé: straight talk, no fancy nonsense, just hard-hitting facts and patterns that scream something’s dodgy. Scene by scene, we’ll build this monster of a story—from a kid dodging Nazis to a financier pulling strings in Russia, Ukraine, and even Trump’s America.

It’s a saga of blackmail, insider deals, and billions looted from nations, masked as do-gooder philanthropy. And yeah, it hits home when you see how it fueled the dirty tricks to sink Trump before he could drain the swamp. Grab a pint; this one’s a wild ride.

Prologue: The Boy Who Learned to Thrive in Chaos

Budapest’s Bloody Streets – A Kid’s Survival

Picture Budapest in the summer of 1930—a city alive with the clatter of trams rumbling over cobblestones, market vendors shouting out prices for fresh bread and ripe plums, and the Danube River sparkling under a hot sun like a ribbon of liquid gold. In a modest flat on the Pest side, Erzsébet Schwartz cradles her newborn son, György, the air filled with the comforting smell of cabbage soup bubbling on the stove.

Her husband, Tivadar, a sharp lawyer who’s already cheated death as a prisoner in Siberia during World War I, looks on with a mix of joy and worry. “Another mouth to feed in uncertain times,” he mutters, but his eyes light up as he kisses the baby’s forehead.

This is György Schwartz, later George Soros—the boy who would grow up to shake the world, but not in the fairy-tale way the official stories spin it. No, this is where the shadows start creeping in, and the spies begin to take notice.

Outside, a newsboy’s shout pierces the calm—news of a rising voice in Germany, Adolf Hitler, a distant growl that will soon shake their world.

Fast forward to March 19, 1944.

The air’s thick with tension as German Panzer tanks roll across the Chain Bridge, their engines growling like hungry beasts, crushing the city’s spirit under their tracks. Fourteen-year-old György jolts awake in his creaky bed, peeking through cracked shutters as SS soldiers march in black uniforms, their boots thumping a death march on the streets below.

The stench of fear mixes with smoke from burning synagogues, and screams echo from the Jewish quarter. The Schwartz family—non-practicing Jews—know they’re targets.

Tivadar, ever the survivor, forges papers: György becomes Sándor Kiss, a Christian lad.

“You’re my godson now,” says the government official Tivadar bribes, a bloke knee-deep in confiscating Jewish homes and valuables.

György tags along on some of these grim errands—not doing the seizing himself, he claims later, but close enough to see the horror: families dragged away, their belongings piled on carts like rubbish, the air heavy with sobs and the metallic tang of blood from beatings.

Tivadar’s network of forgers and hideouts—helping Jews and Christians evade the Nazis—looks like prime resistance work.

One night, a gruff voice in a shadowed doorway hands him a scrap: “To the printer on Andrássy.” He runs, heart pounding, the flashlight beam of a patrol slicing too close. The basement printer’s a cave—ink pots bubbling, sweat dripping, a single bulb swaying like a pendulum.

“Kid, you’re a ghost,” the printer growls, shoving anti-Nazi pamphlets into his hands. György nods, adrenaline singing, his young mind soaking in the power of survival. Later, he’ll shock the world with “the happiest year of my life” (60 Minutes, 1998), a survivor’s grin masking the scars that forged him.

By 1945, the war’s over, but the Soviets storm in, and Hungary’s under communist boot. György, 17, slips out in 1947—first to Switzerland, then London. Official tale? A plucky refugee.

But with OSS evolving into CIA (1947) and MI6 hungry for anti-Soviet assets, it’s logical he’s sponsored.

Declassified OSS “War Report” (1945) details postwar plans for Europe, including asset handling in Hungary—recruiting exiles for intel on Soviet moves.

Rich families like Rothschilds (running escape networks) and Rockefellers (funding OSS ops) needed lads like him to move “sensitive” assets west. This Budapest crucible forges Soros—not just a survivor, but a potential spy in the making, his “happiest year” perhaps the start of a double life.

Fast forward to June 25, 2025, 5:33 PM AEST.

Soros, 95, gazes from his Hudson Valley estate, the air sweet with pine and the distant hum of a lawnmower. His Open Society Foundations (OSF) command a $25 billion empire, a web spanning continents.

The official story paints him as a philanthropist, a savior of democracy. But as decades of cover-ups unravel—leaked documents, whistleblower tales, X posts from @WallStreetApes and @robertsepehr—the truth emerges.

This isn’t the Soros of glossy profiles; it’s a man tangled in Western intelligence, a player in every conflict since the Cold War’s dawn. Grab a seat—this is his real story, a tapestry of power and shadows.

1.00 : Hungary’s Crucible

March 19, 1944. The dawn breaks with a shudder as Panzer IV tanks growl into Budapest, their tracks grinding cobblestones to dust. György, 14, jolts awake in a creaking bed, the flat’s silence shattered by the clank of steel and distant screams.

He peers through cracked shutters—black-uniformed SS troops march, their boots a relentless drumbeat, while smoke curls from a synagogue torched blocks away.

Inside, Tivadar paces, his patched coat flapping, his face etched with a survivor’s resolve.

“They’re here,” he says, voice tight, slamming a suitcase shut. Erzsébet clutches a rosary, her knuckles white, whispering prayers in a language György barely understands.

“We split up,” Tivadar decides, tossing forged papers onto the table—Sándor Kiss, Christian, 14.

“You’re a shadow now. Move like one.” György’s fingers tremble as he grabs the damp sheet, the ink smudging under his touch.

“What if they ask—” he stammers, his voice cracking.

“They won’t,” Tivadar snaps, his hand firm on the boy’s shoulder.

“Not if you’re quick.” Erzsébet pulls him close, her breath warm against his ear: “Survive, György. That’s all that matters.”

The city becomes a predator’s playground. György slips into the alleys, the air thick with the acrid stench of burning books and the sour reek of unwashed bodies, the metallic tang of blood from a nearby roundup clinging to his nostrils.

He dodges Arrow Cross thugs, their rifles clinking like death knells, their laughter a cruel taunt as they drag a family past. He’s a courier now, ferrying coded notes for Tivadar’s fragile network—Jews posing as Christians, Christians hiding Jews, a web of desperate souls.

György’s role as a courier, darting through alleys with coded notes, fits the bill for a young asset.

OSS declass from the CIA Reading Room mentions arming Jews in Hungary and Rumania for “active resistance” in 1944, and reports on OSS operations in the region highlight recruiting locals with “useful backgrounds”—kids like György, multilingual and street-smart, perfect for slipping messages or spotting opportunities.

No direct file names Soros—spies don’t leave paper trails like that—but the pattern screams recruitment. Whitney Webb’s One Nation Under Blackmail explains how OSS targeted folks with “kompromat”—leverage from wartime actions, like György’s gig with the property official—to bind them for life. “Help us now, kid, and we’ll help you later,” the spooks might’ve whispered, seeing potential in a boy who could blend in and survive anything.

In a 1998 60 Minutes interview, Soros calls it “the happiest year of my life”—a bizarre twist that raises red flags. Was it the adrenaline of dodging death, or something darker? Budapest in 1944 isn’t just Nazi turf—it’s swarming with spies.

British MI6 parachuted agents into the Buda hills to link with partisans, their silk chutes drifting like ghosts in the night. OSS reports from 1944–1945 detail missions in Hungary, Austria, and Germany, coordinating with locals for sabotage and asset recovery—snatching Nazi-looted gold and Jewish fortunes before the Soviets grabbed them.

Was he spotted? Tivadar’s memoir (Masquerade, 1965) teases “foreign friends,” a cryptic hint at Western contacts. “Ears open, mouth shut,” he’d told György, clapping his shoulder one frigid evening.

A British agent, codenamed “Raven,” reportedly met a Jewish courier in Pest’s backstreets in April 1944—could it have been György? No record confirms it, but the timing fits.

By 1945, the war’s over, but the Soviets storm in, and Hungary’s under communist boot.

Declassified OSS “War Report” (1945) details postwar plans for Europe, including asset handling in Hungary—recruiting exiles for intel on Soviet moves.

Rich families like Rothschilds (running escape networks) and Rockefellers (funding OSS ops) needed lads like him to move “sensitive” assets west. This Budapest crucible forges Soros—not just a survivor, but a potential spy in the making, his “happiest year” perhaps the start of a double life.

Stalin’s shadow smothers Budapest, and György, 17, slips out in 1947 boarding a rattling train at Keleti Station, steam hissing around him. “London,” he mutters to the ticket man,—first to Switzerland, then London.

Official tale? A plucky refugee. But with OSS evolving into CIA (1947) and MI6 hungry for anti-Soviet assets, it’s logical he’s sponsored.

2.00 : Post War London — Fog, Spies, and a Young Mind

October 1947. Scene 2: London’s Foggy Web – Spies, Casinos, and a Lad Learning the Game

London, 1947 – London’s fog rolls thick and gray, swallowing György—now George Soros, a city still licking its wounds from the Blitz, with rubble piled high like forgotten graves and fog so thick it chokes the Thames. Bomb craters scar the streets, their edges softened by time, and a woman in a threadbare coat sells wilted flowers, her voice a faint plea.

George Soros, 17 and fresh from Hungary’s communist grip, steps off the train at Victoria Station, the air stinking of coal smoke and desperation. Folks queue for rationed bread, their faces gaunt, while newsboys shout headlines about the new Iron Curtain dropping across Europe.

Soros grabs work as a railway porter, hauling heavy suitcases for tips, then he lands a gig at Quaglino’s, a swanky Mayfair haunt where waiters glide through a haze of cigarette smoke and jazz. “Table six, Hungarian,” a manager barks, his clipped tone slicing the air. Soros weaves past lords and shadowy men, his tray heavy with gin and tonics, ears pricked to whispers. “Stalin’s tightening the screws,” a pinstriped suit mutters over a drink, his voice low. Soros files it away, his mind a sponge in a city of secrets.

Soros, waitering at posh joints, brushes up against this crowd—a chance chat with a pinstriped banker here, an overheard deal there. Or is it chance? Patterns scream grooming: OSS (now CIA, 1947) and MI6 needed assets for anti-Soviet plays, and Soros’s wartime kompromat makes him perfect.

Declassified British Foreign Office memos (1950s) show MI6 collaborating with OSS on Eastern European exiles, recruiting them for intel on Hungary’s communist regime.

Think tanks like Chatham House (Royal Institute of International Affairs, founded 1920) were hubs for this—hosting talks on “open societies” while MI6 used them for covert networking. Popper’s lectures? A front for spotting talent.

By 1949, he’s at the London School of Economics (LSE) – tuition a steep £200 a year, a king’s ransom for a skint refugee. “Odd jobs paid for it,” he claims later, but let’s call bollocks on that. LSE wasn’t just a school; it was spy central in the 1950s, a recruitment hotspot for MI6 (Britain’s secret intelligence service) scouting sharp Eastern European exiles like Soros who knew the Soviet game from the inside.

Declassified MI5 files (2005 releases) and histories show MI6 (often called SIS) trawling universities for talent, with LSE’s Fabian Society—a think tank of socialist intellectuals—serving as a front for anti-commie ops.

His mentor, Karl Popper, 47 and a Viennese exile, lectures on “open societies” beating tyrants—noble on paper, but Popper’s ties to think tanks like the Mont Pelerin Society (funded by Rockefellers for free-market pushes) smell of elite influence. The Fabian Society looms large, its socialist intellectuals sipping tea in paneled rooms. Sidney Webb’s dead, but his MI5 threads linger (MI5 files, 2005), and Beatrice Webb’s diaries note “young émigrés” shaped for power (LSE archives). Soros, 19, fits—Eastern European, brilliant, forged in chaos. Does Popper see a soldier?

MI6’s Portland spy ring (1950s Polish intel case) highlights LSE’s role in Cold War espionage, with agents like Harry Houghton recruited from similar academic circles.

London’s underbelly stirs. NGOs enter the picture too—precursors to Soros’s OSF, like the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CIA-funded 1950–1967, declass 1967 exposing it as anti-commie propaganda arm), blending philanthropy with espionage. Soros’s “open society” idea fits like a glove, a cover for shifting wealth and stirring dissent.

By 1954, Soros is trading at Singer & Friedlander, a firm linked to Goldsmith’s networks—arbitraging European stocks amid Cold War tensions, like Hungary’s 1956 uprising (CIA-backed rebels crushed by Soviets, declass showing RFE radio fueling it).

Robert Maxwell, 31, a Czech émigré with a booming laugh, looms as an MI6 asset (FCO files, 2010), his Pergamon Press a conduit for Soviet science. “Buy low, sell high,” Maxwell grins, cigar ash dusting his desk as he claps Soros’s shoulder.

The real education’s in the backrooms. The Clermont Club doesn’t open till ’62, but its roots are sinking in during Soros’s time—high-rollers like David Stirling, the SAS founder with a mustache like a scrub brush and a laugh like thunder, plotting “forces for lease.”

Stirling’s dreaming up private armies in the ’50s, evolving from WWII lend-lease arms deals (Yanks shipping tanks to allies) to merc outfits like Watchguard International by ’65, hiring ex-SAS lads for dodgy gigs in Africa and the Middle East.

It’s the birth of PMCs—guns for hire, plundering resources while governments deny involvement.

This London’s his real school—spies teach secrecy, casinos show high-stakes gambles, raiders like Goldsmith reveal how to loot industries. The Clermont Club’s roots take hold—John Aspinall, 36 by ‘62, builds a gambling den in ‘50s shadows Soros skirts. David Stirling, 41, SAS founder turned mercenary, and James Goldsmith, 23, a financier tied to Hambros Bank, mingle with spooks over cards (The Times, 1995*).

James Goldsmith, in his 20s, a tycoon with a hawkish stare, raiding British firms through Hambros Bank, gutting factories and shipping jobs abroad. It’s corporate plunder 101, funded by the evolution of pension pots—workers’ savings turned into speculative funds in the ’50s, letting managers bet big on takeovers.

One night, Stirling’s gravelly voice cuts through the haze: “We need men like you, Soros.” George nods, his mind racing—spies, money, power. It’s the blueprint for his future: Use “democracy” as bait to topple regimes, then grab the spoils.

By 1956, at 26, he boards a ship for New York, his “detour” reeking of setup for bigger plays.

3.00: Wall Street Boom —Europe’s Wealth Moves West

It’s 1956, and the world’s still reeling from the war’s aftermath – Europe a patchwork of rubble and refugees, with communist iron curtains slamming shut across the East and whispers of Cold War spies in every corner.

Soros has a job waiting at F.M. Mayer & Co., a brokerage firm specializing in European securities—buying low in the Old World’s war-scarred markets and selling high to America’s booming investors.

But before he even clocks in, the official story takes a turn that’s so fishy it could swim upstream. Soros decides on a “few weeks’ detour” through Europe—popping over to Paris, Zurich, maybe Vienna or Frankfurt—to “clear his head” or tie up loose ends, as he spins it in bios like Robert Slater’s 1996 book or his own foggy recollections in interviews.

Now, picture this broke refugee, fresh from scraping by in London’s dingy bedsits, affording a jaunt back across the Atlantic like it’s a quick bus ride to the shops. And during this little holiday, he just happens to bump into some posh European families—folks like the Wertheims, old banking clans with names that echo pre-war empires, who’ve dodged Nazis and Soviets, their fortunes tucked away in Swiss vaults or hidden estates amid the rubble of bombed-out cities.

He chats them up over coffee in a Zurich café—perhaps under the shadow of the Bahnhofstrasse’s grand banks, the air crisp with mountain breeze and the faint chime of church bells—sharing tales of his wartime survival, his LSE smarts, and his big dreams for America. They bite, handing over their investments to this unknown kid like he’s an old mate.

A gray-haired banker with a thick accent claps his shoulder: “They trust you, boy. Move their money.” He links Rothschild heirs in Paris, their voices trembling over transatlantic calls, to Viennese bankers nursing old wounds, their offices still scarred by memory. Swiss vaults open, and Soros funnels it all to Wall Street’s roaring machine.

Cut to his first day at F.M. Mayer: The trading floor’s a madhouse, phones screeching like banshees, traders yelling “Buy Deutsche Mark!” and “Sell francs!” the room stinks of stale coffee and cigarette ash.

Soros strolls in, tie knotted tight, a nervous grin cracking his face, and plonks a fat portfolio on the boss’s desk. “Picked this up on the way over,” he says, casual as if he’s handing over a newspaper.

The room goes quiet for a beat—eyes widen, a grizzled broker with a cigar clamped in his teeth mutters, “Who the hell is this kid?”—then erupts in whispers. The firm’s over the moon; Soros gets a slap on the back, a corner desk, and a fast lane to the top, managing millions for these mystery Europeans right out the gate.

Sounds like a Hollywood dream, doesn’t it? The plucky refugee turns up with ready-made riches on day one. But come on—when have you ever heard of that happening to anyone in real life?

Not Warren Buffett, who slugged it out for years before his breaks.

Not Jim Simons, whose math magic came from NSA gigs in the ’70s.

Even dodgy Mike Milken built his junk bond empire step by step.

No, this “detour” reeks of a setup, too perfect to be pure luck, like a scripted scene from a spy flick. Dig into the postwar mess, and it all clicks: Europe in 1956 is a treasure hunt gone wild.

Nazi-looted gold hidden in Swiss banks, Jewish family stashes squirreled away from Holocaust hunters, Eastern Bloc cash sneaking out before Stalin’s goons grab it—billions flowing like a river, and the OSS (now the CIA, born in 1947) is directing the current to America’s shores.

Declassified OSS files from the National Archives (1946–1950s releases, including Gabbard’s 2025 batch on “Safehaven extensions”) show “Operation Safehaven” was in full swing, tracking “flight capital” to starve the Soviets and fatten Wall Street and the U.S. Treasury.

Rich families like the Rothschilds—who lost fortunes to Nazis but ran wartime escape networks with OSS help—and the Rockefellers—whose Standard Oil had murky deals with IG Farben that raised red flags—needed discreet blokes to move the money without leaving fingerprints.

Soros, with his wartime survival smarts, multilingual tongue, and Budapest connections from his courier days, fits like a glove—a “deniable asset” leveraged with “kompromat” from his teen role helping that property-seizing official. Webb’s book nails it: These rich dynasties used OSS/CIA to blackmail folks into loyalty, turning survivors into wealth-movers.

“Help us shift the loot, George, or we expose your past,” the spooks might’ve whispered during that detour—meetings in smoky Zurich cafés or Paris hotels, set up by MI6 contacts from his LSE days.

The trading floor at F.M. Mayer’s a pressure cooker: Phones screech like banshees in the background, traders holler “Deutsche Mark’s up two points!” as sweat drips down their necks and the room stinks of stale cigars, burnt coffee, and the sharp ozone from overheating ticker machines.

Soros dives in, arbitraging stocks—buying cheap in Europe’s war-scarred markets where factories are still rubble and folks queue for bread, then selling high to America’s booming investors flush with Marshall Plan cash.

A gray-haired broker, puffing a cigar that stinks up the joint, leans over his desk: “How’s a kid like you got these clients, eh? You got a magic wand or something?” Soros just smirks, dodging the jab like he dodged Nazis, but the numbers don’t lie—he’s shifting millions, linking Old World gold to New World banks, perhaps laundering “sensitive” funds from OSS black ops.

And the drugs angle? The CIA’s neck-deep in the 1950s–60s, dosing innocents with LSD in MKUltra experiments (declass ’75 Church Committee) or flying heroin out of Laos with Air America to fund Vietnam black ops against the commies.

No smoking gun ties Soros to the dope trade—his game’s finance, not opium—but patterns scream overlap. If he’s moving “dirty” cash through Swiss havens or Liechtenstein trusts (booming in the ’60s with CIA help for covert funding), some could be drug profits from Asia’s Golden Triangle.

The Get Trump series (Part 4) and X posts (@WallStreetApes, July 2025) hint Soros’s early wins were intel-backed, much like Jeffrey Epstein’s later gig brokering shady deals with Adnan Khashoggi—arms, oil, and cash flowing through blackmail networks.

By 1959, Soros jumps to Wertheim & Co., another firm deep in European deals, managing $25 million for families with names that echo pre-war empires—the air’s thick with tension as he scans market reports, his pen tapping like a code, placing bets that pay off big amid Korea’s lingering armistice tensions (’53) and Vietnam’s buildup.

George Soros, now in his 30s, is climbing fast in New York’s Wall Street frenzy, his desk at Wertheim & Co. a chaos of clattering ticker machines spitting paper strips, phones ringing off the hook, and the air thick with the ever present cigarette smoke and stale coffee.

This is Soros’s real American debut—not a plucky kid’s lucky break, but a groomed asset landing with a ready network, moving war-torn Europe’s wealth to fuel the West’s Cold War machine. The neon jungle’s just the start – next, he’s building an empire that’ll loot nations and take aim at Trump.

Copyright © Brendan Power 2025 All rights reserved. |

4.00 : Quantum’s Quantum Leap – Trades, Turmoil, and a World in Flames

It’s the swinging ’60s, and the world’s a powder keg exploding in slow motion—America’s knee-deep in Vietnam, a brutal jungle war where GIs trudge through rice paddies under a scorching sun, dodging VC bullets and landmines while the air stinks of napalm and burnt villages.

Korea’s ’50s armistice left a divided mess, but Vietnam’s a meat grinder: Over 58,000 Yanks dead by ’75, with the CIA running Air America planes buzzing overhead, hauling heroin from Laos’s Golden Triangle to fund black ops against the commies—declassified Senate reports from the ’70s expose the rot, showing how drug money kept the shadow wars going.

Back home, the civil rights fight’s boiling over: Martin Luther King Jr.’s marching through Selma in ’65, his voice booming like thunder over sweat-drenched crowds demanding voting rights, while cops unleash dogs that snarl and bite, and fire hoses blast folks off their feet like trash in a storm.

But the powers that be strike back hard: JFK’s gunned down in Dallas ’63, blood splattering Jackie’s pink suit as the motorcade speeds away in panic—official line says lone nut Lee Harvey Oswald, but patterns scream CIA/Mafia hit, especially since Kennedy was pushing to rein in the agency after the Bay of Pigs fiasco in ’61, where CIA-backed Cuban exiles got slaughtered on the beaches.

RFK, as Attorney General, probed those same Mob-CIA links before getting plugged in a Los Angeles kitchen ’68, screams echoing as he slumps clutching a rosary amid the stink of gunpowder and panic.

MLK’s sniped on a Memphis balcony that same year, his dream drowned in blood while crowds wail and riots erupt, flames licking the night sky. Lone guns again?

Rubbish—Webb’s book nails it: These hits were elite clean-ups, using blackmail networks to silence anti-war voices and keep the military cash flowing, with the CIA under pressure from JFK’s reforms that threatened their black ops funding.

By 1969, he’s at Arnhold and S. Bleichroeder, a firm steeped in history, its trading room a hive of clattering tickers and tense faces. He manages $25 million for dynasties like the Wertheims, their portraits glaring from the walls (SEC filings). “Deutschmark’s climbing,” he mutters, eyes locked on the board.

The room buzzes—traders sweat, phones shriek, and a cigar-chomping broker laughs: “You’ve got guts, kid.” His bets pay off in millions, his desk a nexus of Old World gold and New World ambition. “Keep it moving,” a Wertheim cousin urges over a crackling line, his voice heavy with gratitude and fear.

They launch the Quantum Fund with $12 million—much of it from Soros’s European web, Rothschild whispers among them. “This is war,” Rogers grins, slamming a fist on the desk.

By 1969, he launches the Quantum Fund (first called Double Eagle) with Jim Rogers and Rothschild banker Georges Karlweis, starting with $12 million—much from those “detour” European clients—and ballooning it to $420 million by 1980, boasting 30% annual returns that outpace the market like magic.

Marc Rich, 42, looms nearby—his Glencore empire skirts sanctions, bleeding Soviet clients dry (DOJ, 1983). No handshake ties Soros to Rich, but their moves sync: Quantum shorts currencies as Glencore corners oil.

The CIA watches—hedge funds are Cold War tools (The Nation, 2016*).

“I trade,” Soros says, brushing off whispers, but the profits pile up, and Washington’s grin widens in the shadows.

But here’s the dodgy bit—his trades are timed too perfectly to global blow-ups, like they’re inspired by insider whispers from the spy world.

Take the ’67 Six-Day War in the Middle East—Israel smashes Arab forces, tanks rumbling through dust-choked deserts as jets scream overhead—and Soros rides the currency ripples.

Then the ’73 Yom Kippur War hits, Arabs launching surprise attacks with missiles whistling through the air, triggering an oil embargo that quadruples prices—gas lines snake around U.S. blocks, families shivering in their cars cursing the queues. Soros shorts the chaos, netting millions as markets tank.

The ’87 stock crash wipes $800 million from Quantum on Japanese bets, but he bounces back—too quick for luck alone.

These aren’t random punts; they’re synced to IC core business—CIA black ops funding tensions exploded in the ’60s–’70s, with JFK’s reforms firing Dulles and threatening shutdowns, leading to his hit. RFK, probing Mob-CIA links, gets taken out too.

Hedge funds like Quantum evolve right then—Alfred Winslow Jones’s 1949 model explodes in the ’60s, with CIA moonlighting in finance (Politico 2010 on agents in hedge funds for intel gathering). Black ops funding’s tense—Church Committee ’75 exposes abuses, limiting overt ops, so CIA turns to hedges for laundering (e.g., drug money from Vietnam).

Soros’s Quantum timing—losses in ’87 but overall 30% returns—screams IC core business: Insider tips on wars/crises for bets. X posts/Benz suggest Soros as CIA asset for ops funding. This decade’s Soros’s leap – trades inspired by IC chaos, hedges as black ops vehicles.

5.00 : Philanthropy Facade – Open Societys Foundation Rises

It’s the late 1970s, and the world’s a tinderbox on the verge of exploding—America’s staggering out of Vietnam’s bloody quagmire, where helicopters clattered over Saigon in ’75, evacuating in a frantic scramble as the city fell, leaving behind 58,000 dead Yanks and a stench of napalm, betrayal, and broken promises that still hangs heavy.

Korea’s ’50s armistice left a divided wound, but Vietnam’s fallout cut deeper: The CIA’s Air America ops, flying heroin-laden planes from Laos’s Golden Triangle poppy fields—vast green seas under a relentless sun—to fund covert wars against the commies, with declassified Senate reports from the ’70s exposing how drug money oiled the machine of death and deception.

The CIA’s under massive heat: JFK’s reforms fired Director Allen Dulles, threatening shutdowns, while Nixon, in ‘1969, calls the agency a “rogue elephant” and probes JFK’s death during Watergate ‘1972—a scandal with burglars tied to CIA ops that looks like a setup to boot him for pushing cuts.

He resigns ‘1974, but not before picking Gerald Ford as VP in ‘1973 after Agnew quits over tax dodges—patterns suggest elite arm-twisting for a pliable pardon machine.

The ’75 Church Committee rips the lid off horrors like MKUltra’s LSD mind-control experiments—dosing unsuspecting folks in dingy labs—and assassination plots against Castro, forcing the CIA to slink into shadows, swapping overt coups for “softer” tools like funding NGOs to stir regime change.

George Soros, now hitting his late 40s, is in his New York element, the Quantum Fund a roaring cash engine amid the madness. The trading floor’s a pressure cooker—phones blaring like alarms, traders hollering “Buy oil futures!” as sweat drips and ticker machines clatter endlessly, the air stinking of burnt coffee, cigar ash, and the electric buzz of greed.

Soros shorts currencies and commodities, netting fortunes from the upheaval: The ’73 Yom Kippur War—Israeli tanks rumbling through Sinai dust storms, jets screaming overhead—triggers an Arab oil embargo, prices quadrupling as gas lines snake blocks-long, families queuing in the cold cursing empty pumps.

He rides the inflation wave like a pro surfer, but his bets are too timed, too perfect—logical extension of insider whispers from spy networks, perhaps laundering black ops cash from Vietnam’s drug trade or postwar European asset shifts.

Soros spots the gap wide open.

In 1979, he launches the Open Society Foundations (OSF) in New York, kicking off with $3 million for anti-apartheid scholarships in South Africa, where township protests rage against white rule, tear gas choking Soweto streets as crowds hurl rocks at armored police vans amid the crack of gunfire and the wail of sirens.

“It’s about building open societies,” he claims in early interviews, but let’s cut the crap—it’s a masterstroke facade for the same economic looting Engdahl accuses him of in Russia’s ’90s meltdown, where shock therapy gutted factories, slashed GDP by 83%, and left 40% in poverty while oligarchs snatched billions in state assets.

Patterns scream it’s no coincidence: Open Society Foundations aligns perfectly with the CIA’s post-Church pivot to “soft power” regime change, using tax-effective structures to wash and wield money like a weapon.

South America, South Africa, the Soviet Union, who does this?

Mexico City, 1982. The streets choke with protest, mariachi music drowned by shouts as the peso’s collapse sends vendors scrambling.

Soros, 52, stands in his New York office, Central Park a golden blur beyond the window, the air cool with air conditioning. “Short it,” he snaps to a trader, his voice cutting through the hum of monitors.

The peso crashes, netting him $50 million (World Bank), while Mexico’s markets seize, rubber burning as tires block roads. A vendor, 45, weeps over his empty stall, his daughter tugging his sleeve: “Papa, what now?”

In Chile, the ghost of Allende lingers—Soros’s bets echo a destabilization song from the ‘70s, a whisper of CIA backing unproven but persistent (X posts, 2025). The world tilts under his gaze, empires crumbling as his fortune soars.

Cape Town, 1985. The air hangs heavy with the acrid sting of tear gas and the crackle of burning tires as apartheid’s endgame unfolds. Soros, 55, sits in a London office, the Thames slate-gray beyond the window, a glass of whisky in his hand. “Ten million,” he says into a crackling phone, his voice steady as he authorizes a wire to anti-regime fighters.

In a Soweto shack, an activist named Thabo, 29, counts the notes by flickering candlelight, the wax dripping onto the dirt floor. “This buys guns,” he whispers, his voice tight with hope and fear, dust coating his fingers as he stuffs the cash into a rucksack. The courier—a lean man with MI6’s quiet menace—nods, his eyes scanning the shadows, the distant wail of a police siren cutting the night.

Soros shakes Mandela’s hand, the air alive with fynbos flowers, but critics like Pastor Shane Vaughn (2021 interview) call it a con—Soros’s funding stirred division, enabling Western mining giants like Anglo American to grab stakes via Black empowerment deals that enriched ANC elites while crime soared, murder rates hitting 45 per 100,000 by 2000. It’s Russia’s looting playbook: “Democracy” aid opens markets for plunder.

MI6’s Capricorn Society drills rebels in the bush, dust rising under boots as David Stirling, 69, a grizzled SAS legend, barks orders. “Keep low!” he shouts, his voice rough from years of command, a cigarette dangling from his lips.

The Clermont Club’s shadow stretches—James Goldsmith, 54, a tycoon with a hawkish glare, funnels Hambros Bank cash into murky deals from a Mayfair suite, the air thick with cigar smoke and whispered bargains (Financial Times, 1997). In 1985, the UK-Saudi Al-Yamamah arms deal explodes—$80 billion in jets and bribes oiling the gears (BAE files, 2006).

Soros rides sterling’s wave, his traders a blur of ties and tension in New York. In a Johannesburg dive, an ex-SAS man named Mick, 40, chuckles over a warm beer: “Chaos is cash—Soros knows it.” The bar’s walls are stained with smoke, the jukebox croaking a faded tune, and Mick’s laugh carries the weight of a man who’s seen too much.

Here’s how the spider builds its web: OSF starts as a modest fund but explodes into a $25 billion empire by the ’80s–’90s, interlinked with a maze of charities, foundations, and NGOs that span 130 countries—whether those nations wanted them or not.

Tax havens like the Cayman Islands (OSF investments per 2021 IRS filings) and Liechtenstein trusts let him funnel hedge fund profits (Quantum’s dodgy 39% annual returns, whispered to be inflated with insider tips) alongside “clean” donations from rich families like the Rockefellers (who fund OSF overlaps for “global development”).

Conflate it with UN-endorsed projects—OSF bankrolls ICC human rights probes in the ’90s and Global TB initiatives in 2001—and you’ve got daylight cover for an industrial-sized money laundry.

Drug money from CIA ops? Whispered to slip in via hedges, blended with “aid” for deniability.

The beauty: OSF’s in places like Myanmar ’90s (funding dissidents against junta) or Pakistan ’00s (media safety nets), pushing “democracy” that topples governments, opening doors for Western plunder of industry, infrastructure, and resources—echoing Engdahl’s Russia rape.

OSF doesn’t operate alone—it’s webbed to CIA/State/Pentagon puppets like NED (1983 Reagan creation for “what CIA did overtly,” per Allen Weinstein), which funnels U.S. tax dollars to OSF-linked NGOs for color revolutions. Carnegie Endowment publishes “open society” reports that echo OSF agendas, influencing Pentagon policy on Eastern Europe ’80s dissidents.

USAID (CIA front per declass) co-funds OSF projects, like $270M to Soros-aligned groups ’09–’24 for “progressive infrastructure.”

Media control’s the killer app: OSF funds “independent” outlets like ProPublica (Pulitzers for exposés, but skewed left) and South African media coalitions ’94, shaping narratives to whitewash ops—e.g., calling Maidan ’14 a “miracle uprising” while OSF poured $25M into protesters’ training, legal aid, and media spin.

Conflate hedge/drug cash with UN “aid,” and OSF infiltrates 130 countries, even banned ones like Russia ’87 (pre-glasnost entry).

This web—OSF/NED/USAID/Carnegie—enables the plunder: ’80s Eastern Europe dissidents (OSF funds Solidarity in Poland, crowds facing riot cops amid factory smoke) lead to ’90s Russia looting ($1.5T assets shifted, per Engdahl), with Clinton’s IMF aid as the enabler. Soros’s motive? Extend wartime asset-moving to global scale, with CIA/State as partners, turning “democracy” into a looting license.

This decade’s Soros’s masterstroke—OSF as “daylight laundry” for dark money, expanding amid wars that create plunder chances. Next, the ’90s Yeltsin feast ramps it up.

6.00 : Eastern Europe’s Crumbling Walls – Soros Plays Yeltsin, Gorbachev Betrayed

Picture the late 1980s—a time when the world felt like it was on the edge of something massive, like a rickety old bridge about to give way under the weight of history.

The Cold War, that long, tense standoff between the West and the Soviet Union, was starting to crack. In Moscow, Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet leader with the famous birthmark on his bald head, was trying to fix his crumbling empire with big ideas like glasnost—meaning openness, letting people speak their minds a bit more—and perestroika, which was all about restructuring the economy to make it less rigid and more efficient.

Gorbachev was a decent bloke in many ways, working in good faith with Western leaders like Ronald Reagan from America and Margaret Thatcher from Britain.

They had these big summits, like the one in Geneva in 1985, where they’d sit in stuffy rooms with interpreters whispering in their ears, shaking hands over deals to cut back on nuclear missiles that could blow the world to smithereens.

The INF Treaty in 1987 was a big win—scrapping thousands of nukes, with Reagan and Gorbachev toasting in Moscow amid the clink of glasses and the smell of vodka and caviar, promising a new era of peace.

But behind the smiles and handshakes, the West was already plotting a dirty double-cross that would leave Gorbachev looking like a fool and set the stage for decades of bad blood. Reagan and Thatcher were talking trust, but when George H.W. Bush took over as U.S. president in 1989, the wheels started turning.

Bush’s Secretary of State, James Baker, met Gorbachev in the Kremlin’s gilded halls in February 1990—the air thick with the scent of polished wood and old books—and promised that if the Soviets let East and West Germany reunite, NATO—the Western military alliance—wouldn’t expand “one inch eastward.”

It was a verbal deal, but declassified memos from Gabbard’s 2025 releases confirm it was said loud and clear, with witnesses noting Gorbachev nodding in relief, thinking this meant no more threats on Russia’s doorstep.

Germany reunified on October 3, 1990, with joyous crowds hammering away at the Berlin Wall amid cheers, beer flowing like rivers, and the stink of diesel from bulldozers clearing the debris. For a moment, it felt like the end of the Cold War was a win for everyone.

But the betrayal kicked in fast. Under Bush Sr., the U.S. started eyeing Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic for NATO membership, breaking the spirit of those promises.

It got worse under Bill Clinton, who took office in 1993—the expansion push went full throttle in 1994, with those countries joining NATO in 1999 despite Gorbachev’s furious protests.

Declassified State Department cables from 1993 (Gabbard’s batch) show Clinton’s team dismissing Baker’s words as “not binding”—a cold stab in the back that fueled Russia’s distrust and planted the seeds for later crises like Ukraine in 2014.

Why the flip? Motive was clear: The West saw a weakened Russia as an open door for economic plunder, grabbing its vast oil fields, minerals, and factories before it could rebuild. This wasn’t peace—it was the start of a new kind of war, one fought with dollars and deals instead of tanks.

Now, enter the players pulling the strings behind the scenes. George Soros, in his late 50s, isn’t just sitting pretty in New York with his Quantum Fund raking in billions from market bets—he’s knee-deep in the Eastern Bloc’s upheaval, playing a game that goes way beyond being a simple investor or kindly philanthropist.

In 1987, Soros Open Society Foundations (OSF) opens an office in Moscow amid Gorbachev’s glasnost thaw—the city’s streets buzzing with new freedom, folks queuing for Western jeans and whispering about change in smoky cafés stinking of cheap cigarettes and black market coffee.

Officially, it’s for “market economy research” with $3 million, but dig deeper, and it’s clear Soros is funding dissidents—underground groups printing anti-Soviet pamphlets in dingy basements, their presses clacking away under flickering bulbs while the KGB lurks outside.

Soros’s buddy Strobe Talbott, a Time magazine journalist in the ’80s, is right there too, penning glowing pieces like his 1990 “Rethinking the Red Menace,” praising Gorbachev’s reforms as a Western victory and pushing for more openness that would crack the USSR wide open for plunder.

Talbott’s no random hack—he roomed with Bill Clinton at Oxford in the late ’60s, where Clinton’s draft-dodging antics (deferments and ROTC ploys to skip Vietnam) and that suspicious 1969 tour of the Soviet Union (Moscow and Prague as a “student tourist,” attacked by Bush in ’92 as fishy) smell like early CIA grooming.

Oxford was a Rhodes Scholar spy hub back then, with MI6 and CIA scouting talent—logical that Talbott, from a wealthy Connecticut family, was in on it, later becoming Clinton’s Russia point man in the ’90s.

But the real dirty work is with Boris Yeltsin, the hard-drinking Russian politician who’s rising fast as Gorbachev’s rival.

The CIA and NATO see Yeltsin as their man—declassified Independent reports from ’94 show U.S. intel broke KGB codes in ’91 to help Yeltsin during the “coup” against Gorbachev, a staged drama where tanks rumbled through Moscow streets and crowds cheered Yeltsin standing on one like a hero, his breath reeking of vodka as he denounced the plotters.

It was a replay of what we’d see in Ukraine’s Maidan Square in 2014—protests escalating to violence, Western “aid” backing anti-government forces, leading to a coup dressed as democracy. In ’91, Yeltsin wins big, Gorbachev’s out by Christmas, and the USSR dissolves—crowds in the snow waving flags, but behind it, the West’s vulture funds are circling for the kill.

Half a world away, Poland’s Gdansk shipyards shiver under a gray Baltic sky, the air thick with the salt of the sea and the bitterness of oppression. Lech Wałęsa, 46, climbs onto a rusted crate, his patched coat flapping in the wind, his mustache bristling as he faces a sea of workers.

Their faces are hollowed by hunger—cheeks sunken, eyes red—but their spirits burn. “We will not bow!” he roars, his voice cutting through the icy gusts, hands clenched into fists. Soros’s money—$5 million by 1989—trickles in through back channels, buying mimeograph machines that hum in hidden basements, radios crackling with forbidden news, and the courage to defy.

In Budapest, poets like István Eörsi, 53, crowd a damp cellar, their cigarette smoke curling around a single bulb that sways like a pendulum. “Keep typing,” one hisses, the clatter of typewriters a rebellion against the silence, ink staining their fingers as they churn out samizdat leaflets. Soros’s $3 million by 1984 keeps the presses rolling, the words sharp as knives against the regime’s gag.

Washington watches with keen eyes. The CIA, through the Ford Foundation, pumps $25 million into the same fight, a chess move in the Cold War’s endgame (CIA archives, 1987). Soros knows the dance—he learned it in London’s fog.

At a 1989 D.C. gala, the air hums with the clink of champagne flutes and the murmur of power brokers, crystal chandeliers casting golden light across tuxedoed figures. He clasps hands with Strobe Talbott, 43, a man with Oxford charm and a diplomat’s grin, his voice smooth as silk: “The East is cracking—let’s push it.” Soros nods, adjusting his cufflinks, the room alive with whispered deals and the faint scent of cigar smoke.

Time will crown him “The Man Who Broke Communism” in 1991, but in Moscow, grizzled generals curse his name over vodka, their voices hoarse as they blame a CIA puppet.

Currency Wars September 16, 1992. —

Black Wednesday’s Chaos and Asia’s Bitter Harvest

Quantum Fund’s Manhattan office buzzes like a beehive under siege, the air thick with the sharp tang of coffee stains and the electric hum of flickering screens.

Soros, 62, sits at the eye of the storm, his desk an island amid a sea of traders shouting into phones, their ties askew and shirts damp with sweat. “Ten billion on the pound,” he says, his tone flat, almost detached, his gray eyes scanning the chaos.

A young trader, 28, his hands trembling, hammers the order into a terminal, the clack of keys a drumbeat of war. In London, the Bank of England’s marble halls echo with desperation. Governor Robin Leigh-Pemberton, 65, paces Threadneedle Street, his polished shoes clicking on the cold floor, his face ashen as aides yell updates—£3 billion lost, then £5 billion.

The room smells of panic and old leather, phones shrilling like alarms. The pound plunges 15% by 7:45 PM (ONS), and Soros walks away with $1 billion as dawn paints New York gold, the city’s skyline a silent witness.

Britain reels in the aftermath. In Liverpool pubs, men slam pints on stained tables, their voices raw with rage: “That bloody speculator!” Inflation climbs to 7.1%, jobs vanish—10.4% unemployment by 1993 (ONS), and families huddle in dim flats, counting coins by candlelight.

A dockworker, 52, his calloused hands gripping a mug, mutters to a friend, “Soros took my life—my kids go hungry.” The ERM shatters, a quiet victory for U.S. strategists dreaming of a divided Europe, their offices humming with satisfaction (leaked Treasury note, 2018). Soros sips coffee in his tower, the sun rising over the Hudson, and tells a Fortune reporter at 8:00 AM, “Markets don’t feel pity—they reward the bol

The Iron Curtain unravels, thread by thread, and Soros stands at the edge, a shadow in the spotlight, his fortune growing with each fallen brick.

Sarajevo, 1992. The Balkans—Blood, Balance, and the Cost of Power

The city trembles under a gray sky, shellfire ripping through markets, the Miljacka River stained red with blood. Soros, 62, sits in a New York high-rise, the hum of air conditioning a stark contrast to the chaos he funds.

His fingers trace a map on his desk—$50 million wired to Balkan NGOs (OSF archives), a lifeline for Croatia’s Franjo Tudjman, 70, and Bosnia’s Alija Izetbegović, 67.

In Zagreb, Tudjman pores over maps in a candlelit room, his aides chain-smoking, the air thick with tension. “Soros’s cash keeps us alive,” he growls, his voice raspy from too many late nights. Tudjman, a former general with a steely jaw, paces, his boots scuffing the floor, plotting a nation’s rebirth.

In Sarajevo, Izetbegović prays amid ruins, his office a shell of broken walls, radios crackling with static. “We need more,” he tells an aide, his scholar’s hands trembling as he grips a worn Quran.

Soros’s money buys radios, food, hope—$2 million by April 1992 lands in a warehouse, the air heavy with the scent of mold and desperation.

Clinton, 46, nods from the Oval Office, his pen scratching orders for NATO’s first strikes. Strobe Talbott, 49, drafts policy in a Foggy Bottom office, the hum of a typewriter filling the room. “Push them west,” he says to an aide, his voice smooth but firm, maps spread across his desk.

Quantum Fund dances in the chaos—Soros shorts the dinar, netting $200 million by October 1993 (SEC filings). In Belgrade, a mother wails over a child’s coffin, the air thick with ash and grief, while Soros watches grainy footage in New York, his pen tapping a ledger. “War’s a market,” he muses, the room silent but for the clock’s tick.

NATO bombs fall, Tudjman’s forces advance, and Izetbegović’s men hold—Soros’s dollars oil the machine. A UN peacekeeper, 34, trudges through Sarajevo’s mud, muttering, “Who profits from this hell?” The answer lies across the ocean, in a man counting gains.

Soros is in thick—his OSF funds Yeltsin’s 1993 referendum with $1 million (declassified Russian audits confirm it), keeping him in power amid economic meltdown.

By ’93, Yeltsin’s crisis hits: He dissolves parliament on September 21, sparking protests that turn bloody—crowds surging through Moscow’s streets, the air filled with chants and tear gas as riot cops clash with demonstrators waving red flags.

Yeltsin calls in the army on October 4, tanks shelling the White House parliament building in a thunder of explosions, smoke billowing black against the autumn sky as airborne troops storm in, killing 147 in the crossfire.

It’s a virtual replay of Maidan ’14—snipers picking off protesters, Western media calling it “democracy’s triumph” while the real goal’s regime consolidation for plunder.

Clinton praises Yeltsin, saying it’s a “victory for reform,” while $22 billion in IMF aid under Clinton flows in, enabling the vulture funds—Western investors like Soros’s Quantum pals—to rape Russia’s infrastructure and resources, stripping $1.5 trillion in assets as factories shut, GDP falls 83%, and folks starve in the streets.

The CIA’s fingerprints are everywhere—declass from Gabbard’s 2025 batch shows U.S. intel coordinated with Yeltsin’s KGB handlers like Gen Bobkov to stage the ’91 “coup,” boosting Yeltsin as the “democrat” while Gorbachev’s good-faith deals with Reagan/Thatcher (like the ’87 INF Treaty, cutting nukes amid tense Geneva toasts) get trashed.

Betrayal started under Bush Sr. with ’90 German reunification promises (“not one inch eastward,” Baker tells Gorbachev in the Kremlin’s gilded halls), but Clinton accelerates it in ’94, pushing NATO expansion despite protests. Motive? Open Russia to Western plunder—oil, minerals, factories sold cheap to oligarchs who flip ’em for profit.

Soros’s “other game” shines bright: Beyond trader, he’s the “philanthropist” funding dissidents that weaken Gorbachev, paving Yeltsin’s way—OSF in USSR ’87 (pre-perestroika, backing underground groups), Hungary ’84 (anti-commie presses), Poland ’87 (Solidarity strikes turning to elections, crowds in Warsaw rain facing riot cops with burning eyes from tear gas).

Benz calls it “speculating on currencies while knowing ops to overturn governments”—Quantum profits from ’89 volatility as Eastern currencies crash. X posts like @RomanMelekh’s ’23 thread accuse Soros of CIA ties in Yeltsin’s rise, with declass showing OSF coordinating with NED (CIA’s “democracy” arm) for $5M+ in Polish aid ’89.

This decade’s Soros’s pivot—from trader to regime changer, using OSF to play the “Yeltsin card” for the West’s loot. Next, the ’90s Yeltsin feast ramps the plunder.

7.00 : The Yeltsin Vodka Vortex – Soros, Clinton, and the West’s Rape of Russia

It’s the roaring ’90s, and the Soviet Union’s corpse is still warm—the empire that once spanned from Berlin to Vladivostok lies in ruins, its people dazed and hungry as the red hammer-and-sickle flags come down in a flurry of snow and tears.

George Soros, now in his 60s, is at the peak of his powers, his Quantum Fund a money-printing machine that’s just made $1 billion shorting the British pound in ’92—Black Wednesday, with the Bank of England crumbling under the pressure as traders in London scream sells amid the clatter of collapsing markets.

But Soros isn’t content with Wall Street wins; he’s deep in Russia’s mess, playing a game that goes way beyond investing.

Moscow, December 25, 1991. The Kremlin’s red walls loom cold against a snowy dusk, the air biting at 15°F as the Soviet flag slides down its pole with a dull thud. Inside a plush Metropol Hotel suite, George Soros, 61, watches from a velvet armchair, the room aglow with chandelier light and thick with the scent of caviar and cigarette smoke.

A nervous Russian economist, his suit threadbare, hunches across from him, papers trembling in his hands. “The state’s bleeding out,” Soros says, his voice a low growl, leaning forward. “Privatize now, or there’s nothing left to save.”

The economist wipes sweat from his brow, nodding—Soros’s money is a lifeline, but it’s also a noose. Outside, a babushka hawks potatoes in the snow, her voice a faint wail against the wind, while oligarchs sip vodka in new dachas, their laughter echoing through the frost.

The air in Moscow’s streets stinks of desperation—bread lines stretch for blocks, old babushkas in threadbare coats hawking family heirlooms for a few rubles, while shiny new Mercedes zip by, driven by the fresh breed of oligarchs getting fat on the carcass.

This is the era of “shock therapy”—a fancy term for gutting Russia’s economy, selling off its factories, oil fields, and mines for peanuts to Western vultures, leaving 40 million in poverty and life expectancy dropping like a stone.

Crowds in St. Petersburg shiver in bread lines as inflation hits 2,500%, pensions worthless, factories shuttered amid the clank of rusting machines. Oligarchs like Khodorkovsky snap up Yukos oil for $310 million (worth $5 billion), while 70,000 plants close and GDP plunges 83%—a disaster worse than the Great Depression.

But let’s call it straight: This ain’t charity; it’s the setup for the biggest heist in history, with Soros, Bill Clinton, and the CIA pulling the levers to turn Russia into a bargain basement for Western looters.

Yeltsin’s rise starts with the ’91 “coup”—a dodgy drama where hardline commies “try” to oust Gorbachev, tanks rumbling through Moscow’s rainy streets as crowds gather in fear, but Yeltsin climbs atop one like a hero, his breath reeking of booze as he denounces the plotters to cheers.

Declassified docs from the Independent in ’94 show it was staged—the CIA broke KGB codes to tip Yeltsin off, coordinating with his handlers like General Bobkov, a KGB vet turned Yeltsin ally.

Gorbachev, the reformer who’d trusted Reagan and Thatcher on arms cuts like the ’87 INF Treaty—tense summits in Geneva with clinking glasses and promises of peace—gets shoved aside by Christmas ’91, the USSR dissolving in a whirl of flags and fireworks.

But the betrayal’s baked in: Bush Sr.’s team promised no NATO expansion east during ’90 German reunification talks—Baker telling Gorbachev in the Kremlin’s gilded rooms, “not one inch,” with witnesses nodding—but Clinton flips the script in ’94, pushing Poland and others into NATO by ’99, despite Gorbachev’s furious calls.

Soros is in thick, his OSF funding “democracy” groups that keep Yeltsin afloat—$10 million+ for anti-commie dissidents, media training in smoky Moscow offices where printers churn pamphlets under flickering bulbs. His Open Society Foundations (OSF), now a sprawling web in over 30 countries, pours cash into Russia’s

Boris Yeltsin, the boozy Russian president with a face like a crumpled newspaper and a gut full of vodka, is stumbling through the Kremlin halls, his advisors propping him up like a puppet on strings. “reforms”—$1 million for Yeltsin’s 1993 referendum alone, keeping the drunk in power amid economic freefall.

Strobe Talbott, Clinton’s Russia point man and Bill’s old Oxford roommate, pens glowing Time pieces on Gorbachev but pushes expansion—logical he’s Soros’s link, with OSF backing Talbott’s Yale Russia center ’90s. Marc Rich, the fugitive trader (pardoned by Clinton ’01 amid scandal), teams with Soros on Russian deals—Rich’s Glencore snatches aluminum/minerals, Soros’s Quantum shorts ruble ’98 crisis, profiting as economy tanks.

Clinton’s $22B IMF aid ’98 enables it—loans conditioned on privatization, flowing to oligarchs while folks starve.

The Gostiny Dvor auction hall reeks of stale tobacco and desperation as Boris Berezovsky, 47, a wiry mathematician with a crooked smile, snags Sibneft for $100 million—worth $5 billion by 2005 (Forbes).

Soros’s Quantum Fund snaps up Svyazinvest for $1 billion in July 1993, flipping it for $2.5 billion by 1998 (Russian Audit Chamber).

Roman Abramovich, 26, a baby-faced hustler, takes Norilsk Nickel for $170 million, now $8 billion (Bloomberg). Soros watches, his pen tapping a rhythm, as $1.5 trillion in assets shift and $300 billion bleeds offshore (Russian Audit Chamber).

National Security Archive, include a series of revelatory “Bill-Boris” letters in the summer and fall of 1994, and the previously secret memcon of the presidents’ one-on-one at the Washington summit in September 1994. Clinton kept assuring Yeltsin any NATO enlargement would be slow, with no surprises, building a Europe that was inclusive not exclusive, and in “partnership” with Russia. In a phone call on July 5, 1994, Clinton told Yeltsin “I would like us to focus on the Partnership for Peace program” not NATO.

At the same time, however, “policy entrepreneurs” in Washington were revving up the bureaucratic process for more rapid NATO enlargement than expected either by Moscow or the Pentagon,[1] which was committed to the Partnership for Peace as the main venue for security integration of Europe, not least because it could include Russia and Ukraine.[2]

The new documents include insightful cables from U.S. Ambassador to Moscow Thomas Pickering, explaining Yeltsin’s new hard line at Budapest as the result of multiple factors.

Not least, Pickering pointed to “strong domestic opposition across the [Russian] political spectrum to early NATO expansion,” criticism of Yeltsin and his foreign minister, Andrei Kozyrev, as too “compliant to the West,” and the growing conviction in Moscow that U.S. domestic politics – the pro-expansion Republicans’ sweep of the Congressional mid-term elections in November 1994 – would tilt U.S. policy away from taking Russia’s concerns into account.

Mending fences would include Gore’s description to Yeltsin of the parallel NATO and U.S.-Russia tracks as spaceships docking simultaneously and very carefully,[5] and Gore and then Clinton assuring the Russians (but not in writing, as Kozyrev kept asking for) that no NATO action on new members would happen before the 1995 Duma elections or the 1996 presidential elections in Russia.

The final assurance was Clinton’s agreement (despite Russia’s brutal Chechen war and multiple domestic pressures) to come to Moscow in May 1995 for the 50^th anniversary celebrations of the victory over Hitler.

In Moscow, Yeltsin berated Clinton about NATO expansion, seeing “nothing but humiliation” for Russia: “For me to agree to the borders of NATO expanding towards those of Russia – that would constitute a betrayal on my part of the Russian people.”

But Yeltsin also saw Clinton would do whatever he could to ensure Yeltsin’s re-election in 1996, and that mattered the most to him. Only after that Moscow summit would Yeltsin order Kozyrev to sign Russia up for the Partnership for Peace.

Clinton’s $1.8 billion IMF lifeline flows on July 17, 1998, vanishing in 17 days (Russian Central Bank audit), a heist that leaves a St. Petersburg factory worker, 41, feeding his kids snow by January 1999 (Kommersant). “He sold us out,” the man mutters, his hands black with rust.

Why the double-cross? Motive was plunder—Russia’s vast oil, gas, minerals, and factories were ripe for picking, and a weakened bear couldn’t fight back. Clinton’s crew, with Soros as the “philanthropy” front, unleashes shock therapy: Yeltsin’s economists, Gaidar and Chubais (Harvard-trained, CIA-linked per Putin’s ’13 speech), slash subsidies, privatize everything, turning state assets worth trillions into vouchers sold for scraps.

The ’93 parliament crisis is the smoking gun—a virtual replay of Ukraine’s 2014 Maidan. Yeltsin dissolves parliament Sept 21, sparking protests—crowds surging Moscow streets, chanting against corruption as riot cops fire tear gas that burns eyes and throats.

By Oct 4, Yeltsin calls tanks, shelling the White House amid thunderous booms and black smoke, killing 147 as troops storm in with gunfire echoing. Western media calls it “democracy’s win,” Clinton praises Yeltsin—facts show CIA/NATO orchestrated, with OSF funding protesters (declass Russian audits ’93). Maidan ’14 mirrors: Protests vs. Yanukovych escalate to snipers killing 100 in Kiev’s snow-slick square, Western “aid” (OSF $25M for training/legal, USAID/CIA overlap) backs coup.

Both “democracy” facades for plunder—’93 opens Russia to vultures, ’14 Ukraine to Western firms snatching farmland/gas. Soros’s “other game”?

He’s the West’s inside man—Quantum profits from ruble crash, OSF “aids” dissidents that weaken Gorbachev for Yeltsin’s rise.

This decade’s the pivot: Soros/Clinton/CIA play the “Yeltsin card,” betraying Gorbachev’s trust to unleash vultures. Next, Putin’s feud boils over.

Scene 8: Asian Meltdown and Bush Backlash – Soros’s Global Gambit Hits Home

It’s the late 1990s, and the world’s a pressure cooker on the boil—Asia’s getting hammered by a financial crisis that’s wiping out lives and livelihoods faster than a wildfire in dry grass, while back in the U.S., the dot-com bubble is inflating like a balloon ready to pop, with folks dreaming of internet riches amid the hum of modems and the click of keyboards.

The trading floor’s a frenzy—phones blaring like alarms in the background, traders yelling “Short the baht!” as sweat drips down their necks and ticker machines clatter endlessly, the air stinking of stale coffee, cigar ash, and the electric buzz of greed.

Soros’s fund is accused of lighting the fuse—betting against the Thai baht and Malaysian ringgit, shorting them to hell and pocketing over $1 billion as currencies collapse and markets bleed red.

July 2, 1997. Bangkok swelters under a relentless sun, the air thick with the sizzle of street food and the exhaust of tuk-tuks weaving through traffic. Soros, 67, sits in a glass-walled office overlooking the Chao Phraya River, its muddy waters glinting with the city’s promise. “Two billion on the baht,” he says over a static-choked line to Jim Rogers, his voice steady as a surgeon’s scalpel.

The short hits like a thunderclap—the baht drops 20% by July 5 (Bangkok Post), sparking a $1.5 trillion Asian financial crisis (IMF). On Sukhumvit Road, a vendor, 52, folds her wooden stall, her hands trembling as tears streak her soot-streaked face. “He took everything,” she sobs to a passerby, her savings ash in a day.

The crisis spreads like a bad flu—Indonesia’s rupiah dives 80%, riots erupt in Jakarta with crowds looting shops amid the crack of gunfire and the wail of sirens, families losing homes and savings overnight, kids going hungry as unemployment shoots to 15%.

Malaysia’s ringgit tanks, South Korea’s markets buckle, and millions are left queuing for rice in the rain, their faces gaunt with worry while banks foreclose like vultures circling a carcass.

In Kuala Lumpur, Mahathir Mohamad, 72, stands in a sweltering press room, his white shirt clinging with sweat, jabbing a finger at the sky: “Soros is a criminal!” His voice cracks with fury, the twin Petronas Towers gleaming mockingly behind him (KL transcripts, 1998). Across Asia, 4.4 million Thais lose jobs (Thai Labor Ministry), factories fall silent, and families unravel.

Back in New York, Soros adjusts his glasses, the air-conditioned hum of his office a stark contrast to the chaos he’s sown. “It’s just business,” he tells a Fortune reporter at 10:00 AM, his tone cool as he sips a glass of water. But the wreckage spans continents—markets bleed, and the West reaps the spoils, their diplomats sipping tea in air-conditioned embassies. Jim Rogers, now a grizzled partner, leans back in a chair, chuckling: “George, you’ve turned chaos into gold again.” Soros nods, but his mind’s already on the next move, the world bending under his invisible hand.

Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, his face flushed with fury at a sweaty ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur, points the finger straight at Soros, calling him a “rogue speculator” and “morally reprehensible” for sparking the chaos that leaves ordinary folks starving in the streets.

Soros doesn’t deny the trades in his 1998 book The Crisis of Global Capitalism, shrugging it off as markets “punishing weakness”—but behind the scenes, his Open Society Foundations (OSF) are busy pouring $5 million into Thai and Malaysian NGOs, funding “human rights” groups that push for “transparency” and “reform.”

Nice words on the surface, but it just happens to mean opening up economies to Western banks like Goldman Sachs, who swoop in to advise on the fire-sale privatizations, grabbing factories and land on the cheap while locals get left holding empty bags.

This isn’t some lone wolf playing the market for fun—patterns scream it’s coordinated, part of a bigger U.S. plan to bust open Asia’s protected economies for free trade.

The Clinton administration, with Al Gore as the green-tinged VP who’s all about saving the planet, is all in on this push—pushing China into the World Trade Organization (WTO) with permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status in 2000, after years of most-favored-nation (MFN) battles that started under Nixon.

Clinton signs the deal October 10, 2000, in a White House ceremony with the air buzzing from flashbulbs and the scent of polished wood, promising it’ll “import democracy” alongside cheap goods from the world’s biggest market.

But Gore, the climate crusader who’s pushing the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reports on global warming like it’s the end of days, assures the Senate in ’94 hearings that nothing will disadvantage U.S. business—ironic as hell, since letting China in the WTO dooms American manufacturing, shipping millions of jobs overseas as factories shutter in the Rust Belt, the clank of closing gates echoing empty halls while workers line up for unemployment checks in the snow.

By 2001, China’s in the WTO, tariffs slashed, and U.S. imports explode—textiles, electronics, cars—wiping out 2 million manufacturing jobs by 2010, per Economic Policy Institute studies, with whole towns like Flint, Michigan, turning to ghost stories as water runs brown and families pack up for good.

Soros is the finance arm of this global push—his trades timed to the crisis’s waves like a surfer riding a tsunami, while OSF funds the “reformers” that grease the wheels for Western entry.

Mike Benz, in his 2025 podcast, calls it “CIA-timed speculation,” with the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) overlapping OSF grants in Thailand ($2M, 1996–1998) to soften markets for Clinton’s free-trade dream—think WTO expansion, tearing down barriers for U.S. corporations like Nike and Apple to flood in while local industries drown in cheap imports.

It’s no rogue act of spooks gone wild—Clinton’s WTO push, with Gore’s green spin on the IPCC (first report 1990, warning of warming from fossil fuels amid the stink of oil spills and factory smoke), is official policy to pry open Asia, letting U.S. firms grab the spoils. Soros’s “open society” spiel?

It’s the perfect cover for the plunder, echoing his ’90s Russia loot where shock therapy gutted factories for oligarch mates while the West walked away with the treasures.

Soros’s global game doesn’t stop at Asia—it’s spreading like wildfire. In South Africa, he trumpets his first big philanthropy win: Back in 1979, OSF starts with scholarships for Black students at the University of Cape Town, defying apartheid’s racist rules that keep education segregated.

By the ’90s, OSF pumps $150 million into reconciliation, legal reforms, education, public health, and media—supporting the end of white minority rule in 1994, with Nelson Mandela walking free from Robben Island after 27 years, crowds cheering under the Cape Town sun as apartheid crumbles.

Soros meets Mandela around then, the air filled with the scent of freedom and fynbos flowers, but critics like Pastor Shane Vaughn (2021 interview) call it destructive—Soros’s funding “created division,” paving for post-apartheid chaos where crime and inequality soar, mirroring his Russia playbook.

OSF builds 250,000 housing units with the National Urban Reconstruction Agency, but patterns suggest it’s about opening markets—Western firms grab mining rights as Black empowerment deals favor elites.

The UN’s global warming campaign ramps up too—Gore, Clinton’s VP, pushes IPCC reports like gospel, the 1992 Rio Earth Summit (with Maurice Strong as secretary general) setting the stage for Kyoto Protocol ’97, where nations pledge to cut emissions amid the stink of coal plants and car exhaust.

Gore assures the Senate in ’94 that nothing will hurt U.S. business—funny, since Clinton’s WTO/China MFN push (PNTR 2000) dooms factories, jobs vanishing to cheap Chinese labor while Gore jets to Davos preaching green gospel.

Soros? He’s in the mix—lunching with Gore, funding OSF climate initiatives ($400M in 2024 for green jobs, per AP), and partnering with Strong (UN environment czar ’72–’02, Rio architect).

Strong, the Canadian oilman who made a fortune in the ’70s, exiles to China after the 2005 Oil-for-Food scandal—$1.8B UN program to feed Iraqis looted by Saddam, but Strong’s companies skimmed millions, per UN probes. Strong flees to Beijing ’06, cozy with China’s elite amid the WTO boom, dying ’15 in a Beijing hospital.

Soros’s ties to Klaus Schwab’s World Economic Forum (WEF, founded ’71) deepen—Davos summits in the ’90s are his playground, rubbing shoulders with Strong and Gore on panels about “sustainable development,” the air crisp with Swiss mountain air and the clink of champagne flutes.

Schwab, the German engineer with Kissinger mentorship, calls Strong a “mentor” in WEF obits, crediting him for elevating the forum. Soros attends early WEFs, his voice steady as he pushes “open markets” that align with Clinton’s China play—MFN status since ’80, PNTR ’00 letting cheap goods flood U.S., destroying 2M manufacturing jobs by 2010 as factories shutter and towns like Youngstown, Ohio, turn to rust.

Gore’s IPCC warnings (first report ’90) promise green jobs, but it’s a con—U.S. business gets assurances of no pain, while China gets the edge, booming on coal and exports.

Soros’s “other game” shines: Beyond trader, he’s the soft power guy, OSF funding “reformers” that bust economies for Western gain. In South Africa, his ’79 scholarships grow to $150M by ’90s, supporting Mandela’s ANC amid township protests stinking of tear gas and burning barricades—noble on surface, but it opens mining to Western firms.

This era’s Soros’s gambit—crises for profit, “open societies” for plunder, with Clinton/Gore/Schwab/Strong as allies. Next, the Bush clash and Obama pivot.

9.00 : Putin’s Hammer – A Bear Wakes Up Amid Vultures

It’s the dawn of the new millennium, and Russia’s a broken shell of its former self—the mighty Soviet bear reduced to a staggering drunk, picking up scraps from the wreckage of its own empire.

Boris Yeltsin, the vodka-soaked president who’s been the West’s favorite puppet, is finally staggering out the door, his face flushed red from booze and betrayal, leaving behind a nation gutted and gasping.

The streets of Moscow are a sorry sight: Bread lines stretch for blocks under gray skies, old babushkas in worn coats and headscarves haggling over a few rubles for a loaf or a tin of fish, while shiny Western limos with tinted windows speed by, ferrying the new breed of oligarchs to their gated dachas.

The ’90s have been a nightmare—shock therapy pushed by Clinton’s IMF cronies and Soros’s cash has slashed Russia’s GDP by 83%, shuttered 70,000 factories with the clank of locking gates echoing empty halls, and left 40 million in poverty, life expectancy dropping six years as booze, disease, and despair claim the weak.

The vulture funds from the West have feasted, snapping up oil rigs, gas pipelines, and diamond mines for peanuts, looting an estimated $1.5 trillion in assets while the average Joe starves in the cold.

But the tide’s turning, and it’s Vladimir Putin—a quiet, steely-eyed ex-KGB colonel from St. Petersburg with a judo grip and a poker face—who’s about to grab the reins.

On August 9, 1999, Yeltsin—propped up by his KGB mates like General Philipp Bobkov, the shadowy spymaster who’d helped stage the ’91 “coup” that boosted him to power—names Putin as prime minister.

Putin’s no flash Harry; he’s a former lieutenant colonel who spent the Cold War in Dresden, East Germany, watching the Wall go up and the Stasi play their games. He slips into the job without fanfare, but the oligarchs—the fat cats like Mikhail Khodorkovsky (Yukos oil baron who’d bought his empire for $310 million, worth $5 billion) and Boris Berezovsky (the scheming media mogul with Yeltsin ties)—think they can buy him off like the rest. Big mistake.

Yeltsin, his health shot and scandals piling up (family corruption probes, the ’93 parliament shelling that killed 147 in a hail of tank fire and black smoke), resigns on New Year’s Eve ’99 in a slurred TV address from the Kremlin, the grand clocks chiming midnight as fireworks light the snowy night sky.

Putin steps in as acting president, calling snap elections for March 26, 2000, where he wins 53% amid crowds in Red Square waving flags, their breath fogging the cold air with hope for the first time in years. Putin’s no fool—he knows the West’s dirty tricks.

The betrayal started under Bush Sr. with ’90 promises during German reunification talks—Secretary of State James Baker telling Gorbachev in the Kremlin’s gilded halls, “not one inch eastward” for NATO if the Soviets let the Wall come down, with witnesses nodding as the deal was sealed.

Germany reunified October 3, 1990, crowds hammering concrete amid cheers and beer foam, the stink of diesel from bulldozers clearing the debris. Gorbachev trusted it, thinking it meant peace after Reagan’s ’87 INF Treaty slashed nukes amid tense Geneva toasts and backroom deals.

But Bush Sr. and Clinton stabbed it in the back. Clinton’s team dismissed Baker’s words as “not binding” in ’94 declass memos (Gabbard’s 2025 batch), pushing Poland, Hungary, and the Czechs into NATO by ’99 despite Gorbachev’s furious protests. Motive? Encircle Russia for plunder—its oil, gas, minerals, and factories were the prize, and a weak bear couldn’t fight back.

Putin sees the ’90s rape for what it is: Clinton/Soros/CIA looting Russia’s innards through Yeltsin’s “reforms.” Soros poured $1 million into Yeltsin’s ’93 referendum, OSF funding dissidents that kept the chaos boiling, while Clinton’s $22 billion IMF aid in ’98 came with strings—privatize everything, slash subsidies, let vultures feast.

The result? Factories shuttered with the clank of rusting machines, pensions worthless, inflation hitting 2,500% as folks queue in the snow for bread that runs out by noon.

Putin strikes like a hammer. In 2000, he summons the oligarchs—the 18 fattest cats who’d made billions on Russia’s blood—to the Kremlin for a showdown.

The room’s tense, air thick with cigar smoke and vodka breath, as Putin lays it out plain: “You’ve built your empires on corruption and backroom deals—now play by Russia’s rules or get out.” Khodorkovsky, cocky in his pinstripe suit, laughs it off at first, donating millions to opposition parties, thinking he can buy Putin like Yeltsin. But by 2003, dawn raids hit Yukos—jets grounded, executives handcuffed amid flashing cameras, the air buzzing with helicopters as armed men storm offices.

Khodorkovsky’s arrested on fraud charges, jailed for 10 years in a Siberian hellhole, his empire nationalized as Putin claws back oil fields worth trillions.

Berezovsky, the schemer who’d helped crown Yeltsin, flees to London ’00 after raids on his companies, dying mysteriously ’13—hanged in a bathroom, but whispers of poison and a note saying “I can’t take it anymore.” Gusinsky, the Media-Most tycoon, bolts too after ’00 arrests, his TV empire crumbling under pressure.

Putin’s no revenge artist—he’s rebuilding. He taxes the oligarchs, pumps cash into schools and hospitals, and stands up to the West. In 2001, he meets Bush in Slovenia—the air fresh with pine from the lakeside lodge, Bush peering into Putin’s soul and liking what he sees—but NATO’s expansion keeps creeping. Putin warns Clinton in ’99 calls, “This is a mistake,” but Clinton pushes ahead.

By 2003, Putin nationalizes Yukos assets, the fields humming with Russian rigs again, and starts Sibneft deals with Gazprom, the state giant, to keep gas flowing under Moscow’s control. The economy rebounds—GDP up 7% a year by mid-2000s, life expectancy climbing as pensions pay out and factories roar back to life.

Soros? He’s fuming. His OSF, banned in Russia ’15 as “undesirable,” had poured millions into ’90s “reforms” that let his Quantum short the ruble in ’98, crashing the economy for profit amid the stink of hyperinflation and empty shelves.

Putin calls him out in ’13 speeches, exposing CIA ties to Chubais (Soros ally in privatization). The Get Trump series (Part 6) nails it: Soros’s Ukraine plays ’14 are revenge for Putin’s clampdown, funding Maidan to encircle Russia like the ’90s betrayal.

Putin saves his nation from the Western horde—Clinton’s vultures, Soros’s funds, CIA whispers—reclaiming resources and sovereignty. But the feud’s personal: Soros calls Putin a “heinous criminal” in ’16 Syria ops, predicting his Ukraine defeat will “dissolve Russia” in ’23 op-eds. Putin retaliates, labeling OSF a threat.

10.00: Soros’s Washington Web – Post-9/11Kingmaker

It’s the early 2000s, and the world’s a cauldron of chaos—9/11’s ash still lingers over Manhattan, the Twin Towers’ collapse leaving 2,977 dead and America’s mood raw as a fresh wound.

The air in Washington, D.C., smells of power and jet fuel as George W. Bush launches wars in Afghanistan (October 2001, boots stomping through Kandahar’s dusty streets, hunting al-Qaeda) and Iraq (March 2003, tanks rumbling through Baghdad’s sand-choked alleys on dodgy WMD claims).

The Pentagon’s budget balloons to $2 trillion, blood and oil mixing in the desert heat, while back home, the Patriot Act’s got folks whispering about Big Brother snooping on their calls. George Soros, now in his 70s with a silver mane and a stare sharp as a switchblade, is watching from his New York office, the hum of computers and the faint whiff of expensive coffee filling the room.

He’s no longer just a trader—his Quantum Fund’s a billion-dollar beast—but a kingmaker, pulling strings in Washington’s elite donor class to decide who runs for president and who fills the thousands of jobs that make an administration

He’s no longer just a trader—his Quantum Fund’s a billion-dollar beast—but a kingmaker, pulling strings in Washington’s elite donor class to shape who runs for office and who fills the thousands of jobs that make a president’s administration tick: State Department, Pentagon, DOJ, FBI, CIA, DNI, Health, and even UN ambassadors.

Soros is livid with George W. Bush—the Texas oilman who squeaked into the White House in 2001 after a Florida recount decided by 537 votes amid lawsuits and hanging chads. Bush’s Iraq War, costing 4,500 American lives and $2 trillion, is a “disaster,” Soros growls in 2003 speeches, slamming the “war on terror” as a “false metaphor” that breeds chaos, clashing with his “open society” vision of globalist control.

The Get Trump series (Part 5) nails it: Soros thrived under Clinton’s coordinated ops—Russia’s looting, Asia’s market cracks—but Bush’s Pentagon-heavy unilateralism sidelines his influence.

So, Soros goes all-in for 2004, dumping $27 million into anti-Bush campaigns—$5 million to MoveOn.org, $10 million to America Coming Together—backing John Kerry, a Vietnam vet with a Purple Heart and a Senate drawl. In a fiery Washington Post op-ed, Soros calls Bush a “danger to the world,” rallying donors in smoky San Francisco boardrooms, the air thick with cigar haze and whispered plans.

But Bush squeaks by with 50.7% to Kerry’s 48.3%, leaving Soros fuming, his millions down the drain.

Undeterred, he calls a war council in November 2004—top Dem donors, billionaires like hedge fund king Tom Steyer, crammed into a plush San Francisco hotel, the city’s fog pressing against the windows like a bad omen.

“We need a new face,” Soros says, his voice low but sharp as a tack, per Politico leaks, demanding a bolder strategy to ditch the old guard. By early 2005, he’s lunching with Barack Obama in a quiet Manhattan restaurant—the clink of cutlery soft as they talk futures, OSF records confirming the private meet.

Obama, a 43-year-old Illinois senator with a smile that lights up rooms and a voice smooth as jazz, is the fresh blood Soros craves. By January 2007, Obama forms his exploratory committee, launching his ’08 run with Soros’s $2 million+ through Democracy Alliance, a donor network he co-founds in 2005 to funnel $100 million+ to progressive groups like Center for American Progress, shaping the Dem agenda.

Obama’s past raises red flags—his mum, Ann Dunham, worked USAID in Indonesia (1960s–1980s), a known CIA front per declassified memos, aiding Suharto’s regime post-1965 coup. His stepdad, Lolo Soetoro, had ties to Suharto’s military.

Obama’s sealed records—birth certificate, Harvard transcripts—spark whispers of CIA grooming, with FOIA denials citing “national security.” Whitney Webb’s blackmail model fits: A rising star with “sensitive” ties, perfect for elite control.

Soros’s pivot to Obama is no accident—he’s picking the next president, Soros’s donor class power runs deep—he’s not just picking presidents but packing administrations.

When Obama wins ’08, Soros’s allies land key posts: Victoria Nuland at State (later Maidan architect), Eric Holder at DOJ, Robert Mueller at FBI, and Susan Rice as UN ambassador, all tied to globalist agendas. Strobe Talbott, Clinton’s old Russia hand, advises Obama’s team, linking back to Soros’s ’90s Russia plays.

OSF funds $10 million to groups like OpenLeft, lobbying for these picks, ensuring the State Department, Pentagon, DOJ, FBI, CIA, DNI, and Health are staffed with loyalists who push “open society” policies that open markets for Western plunder.

The 2008 financial crisis hits like a sledgehammer—Wall Street tanks, Lehman Brothers collapses September 15, the air filled with the panic of ringing phones and shredding documents as traders scream sells. Soros’s Quantum profits $1 billion shorting subprime mortgages, per Bloomberg, while OSF pushes “reform” NGOs like TARP advocates, shaping $700 billion bailouts that save banks but screw homeowners—millions lose homes, queuing for food stamps in the rain.

The Arab Spring (2011) is Soros’s next play—OSF funds $10 million to Egypt and Tunisia NGOs, training protesters in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, the air thick with tear gas and chants as Hosni Mubarak falls on February 11. Within a week, OSF’s Egypt office drafts a new constitution for the Muslim Brotherhood, per Al-Ahram reports, handing power to Islamists who open markets to Western firms. Hillary Clinton’s State Department (2009–2013) pumps $1.5 billion in “democracy” aid, aligning with OSF to install pro-West regimes.

Libya and Syria are next—OSF gives $5 million to NGOs for “reconstruction” (2011–2013), but it’s cover for chaos. NATO’s 2011 Libya bombing—jets screaming over Tripoli, smoke rising from blasted streets—topples Muammar Gaddafi, killed October 20 in a ditch, his screams drowned by gunfire. Whispers of ISIS funding swirl—X posts from @WallStreetApes (2023) claim CIA arms flowed through Benghazi, with no hard proof but patterns fitting Webb’s blackmail model.

The Benghazi attack (September 11, 2012) kills Ambassador Chris Stevens, the consulate burning as gunfire cracks and Hillary’s State Department takes heat for lax security, per a 2013 Senate report.

Strobe Talbott, Clinton’s old Russia hand, advises Obama’s team, linking back to Soros’s ’90s Russia plays. UN ambassador Susan Rice, a Soros ally, pushes “humanitarian” interventions that open markets.

Ukraine’s Maidan in 2014 is a replay—OSF’s $25 million funds protester training, medical aid, and media, per its 2014 “Keep the Spirit of the Maidan Alive” article, backing a coup against Yanukovych as snipers pick off 100 in Kiev’s snowy square. Gabbard’s 2025 declass ties OSF to CIA/NED, with Nuland at State orchestrating.

Soros’s global game keeps rolling—South Africa’s his big boast, starting in 1979 with $1 million in scholarships for Black students at Cape Town University, defying apartheid’s racist laws.

By 1994–2000, OSF pumps $150 million into post-apartheid South Africa—reconciliation, legal reforms, education, health, and media—backing Mandela’s ANC as he walks free from Robben Island in 1990, crowds cheering under Cape Town’s sun as apartheid crumbles.

This is Soros’s Washington web—kingmaker picking presidents and policies, plundering global markets under “democracy’s” mask.

The UN’s global warming push is another cog—Clinton and Al Gore hype the IPCC (formed 1988, first report 1990), with Gore preaching emissions cuts at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, chaired by Maurice Strong, the Canadian oilman turned UN czar (1972–2002).

Strong, WEF mentor to Klaus Schwab, hosts Soros at Davos ’90s panels, pushing “open markets.” His 2005 Oil-for-Food scandal ($1.8B looted) sends him to China in 2006, dying 2015. Soros’s Russiagate role—$1 million to Fusion GPS for the Steele dossier, per Gabbard’s declass—shows his donor class power, shaping anti-Trump narratives.

The air’s thick with diplomatic chatter and tropical fruit, leading to the Kyoto Protocol ’97, where nations pledge cuts amid coal plant smog. Gore assures the Senate in ’94 no U.S. business harm, but Clinton’s WTO/China PNTR (2000) kills 2 million manufacturing jobs by 2010, per Economic Policy Institute, as China’s coal boom fuels exports, laughing at Kyoto.

Soros’s web also spins through the Arab Spring (2011)—OSF funds $10 million to Egypt/Tunisia NGOs, training protesters in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, the air thick with tear gas and chants as Mubarak falls. It’s Maidan’s precursor—$25 million in 2014 Ukraine, per OSF records, backing snipers and coups for Western access.

Gabbard’s 2025 declass ties OSF to Russiagate, funding anti-Trump narratives through Fusion GPS ($1M, Steele dossier). This is Soros’s gambit—kingmaker in Washington, shaping administrations to open global markets for plunder.

11.00 : The Obama Era – Soros Donor Class

Let’s start with the big picture of this period—the mid-2010s, when America’s streets are boiling with protests and the world’s hotspots are erupting like fireworks on Bonfire Night.

Think of the 2011 Occupy Wall Street camps in New York’s Zuccotti Park, where folks in tents bang drums and chant against bankers, the air thick with the smell of unwashed clothes and campfire smoke, demanding a fair shake after the 2008 crash that left millions homeless while Wall Street got bailed out.

Barack Obama’s in the White House, his smile as smooth as silk and his voice as soothing as a summer breeze, but behind the Oval Office’s polished doors, the donor class is calling the shots, and George Soros is the spider at the center of the web.

Soros, now in his 80s with a silver mane, a gaze that could freeze a room and a stare that could cut glass, is the spider at the center, no longer just a trader or a philanthropist—he’s the kingmaker, his $32 billion Open Society Foundations (OSF) not just a charity but a machine for picking winners and losers.

This donor class isn’t just about elections—it’s about stacking the deck with thousands of appointees who run the show.

Landmark like the 2008 financial crisis—Wall Street tanks, Lehman collapses in September, the air filled with panic as traders scream sells and shred documents—sees Soros profit $1 billion shorting subprime mortgages, per Bloomberg, while OSF pushes “reform” NGOs influencing the $700 billion TARP bailout that saves banks but screws homeowners, millions evicted queuing for food stamps in the rain. Who benefits? The elites—banks like Goldman get golden parachutes, while working folks get the shaft.

Campaign finance reforms like McCain-Feingold (2002, Soros opposed as it capped soft money) and Citizens United (2010 Supreme Court ruling, allowing super PACs) supercharge the donor class—Soros funnels millions through PACs like Priorities USA ($10M for Obama ’12), ensuring his voice drowns out the little guy.

Alright, let’s take this slow and steady because what we’re about to unpack is a real maze—a tangled web of money, power, and shadowy deals that George Soros and his crew have spun to control the world from the shadows. I’m going to hold your hand through this, step by step, like we’re walking down a dark alley together, shining a torch on every dodgy corner so you see the full picture.

We’ll explain the events, introduce the players with their backstories, and show you why it all matters. Barack Obama’s in the White House, his smile as smooth as silk and his voice as soothing as a summer breeze, but behind the Oval Office’s polished doors, the donor class is calling the shots, and George Soros is the spider at the center of the web.

Overseas, the Arab Spring is sweeping the Middle East—Egypt’s Tahrir Square a sea of chanting crowds in 2011, the air heavy with sweat and hope as Hosni Mubarak falls.

Ukraine’s Maidan Square in 2014 is a frozen battlefield, snipers picking off protesters in the snow, the air filled with gunfire and cries.

Libya and Syria descend into hell—Gaddafi’s 2011 fall leaves Tripoli in ruins, bombs falling like rain, while Syria’s 2011 uprising turns to barrel bombs and ISIS beheadings.

This chaos isn’t random—it’s the playground where Soros’s empire thrives, funding groups that stir the pot while he pulls strings in Washington to shape who runs the show.

Soros, now in his 80s with a silver mane, a gaze that could freeze a room and a stare that could cut glass, is the spider at the center, no longer just a trader or a philanthropist—he’s the kingmaker, his $32 billion Open Society Foundations (OSF) not just a charity but a machine for picking winners and losers.

Soros likes to confuse and conflate things—mixing up his “good deeds” with the real harm—to suit his purposes, but we’re not falling for it. We’ll stick to the facts, the patterns, and the logical connections so you, the everyday reader flipping through this like your morning Sun, can understand how this bloke’s influence has shaped everything from U.S. presidents to global wars. No rush—we’ll use as many words as it takes to make it clear.

Start with the donor class, that shadowy club of billionaires and power brokers who don’t just give cash—they give the game away. Soros co-founds the Democracy Alliance in 2005, a secret society of sorts for progressive fat cats like hedge fund tycoon Tom Steyer and Hollywood mogul Haim Saban, funneling $100 million a year into groups like the Center for American Progress, which Soros bankrolls with $5 million annually.

It’s a machine for picking winners—by 2008, Soros is all in on Obama, dropping $2 million through the Alliance to fund grassroots armies and media blitzes that turn a junior senator into president.

Soros co-founds the Democracy Alliance in 2005, a secret society for progressive fat cats like hedge fund king Tom Steyer (worth $1.6 billion, pushing green energy) and Hollywood mogul Haim Saban (billionaire behind Power Rangers, a big Israel backer).

Take Barack Obama—Soros spots him early, lunching in 2005 at a quiet Manhattan restaurant, the clink of cutlery soft as they talk strategy, per OSF records. Obama, a 43-year-old Illinois senator with a magnetic smile and a voice that could sell ice to Eskimos, is the fresh face Soros craves after his $27 million flop against Bush in 2004.

By 2007, Obama’s exploratory committee forms, and Soros’s $2 million through Democracy Alliance funds grassroots armies knocking on doors in Iowa snow and media blitzes flooding TVs with hope and change.

Obama wins in 2008, Grant Park in Chicago electric with cheers under a windy night sky, but the real party’s in the backrooms where Soros’s allies grab the keys: Victoria Nuland at State (later Maidan mastermind, pushing U.S. agendas in hotspots with a hawkish glare), Eric Holder at DOJ (dropping voter intimidation cases against Black Panthers, per 2010 reports), Robert Mueller at FBI (launching Trump-Russia probes on dodgy dossiers), John Brennan at CIA (leaking anti-Trump dirt while pushing global ops),
James Clapper at DNI (overseeing Russiagate lies), Kathleen Sebelius at Health (rolling out Obamacare with OSF’s $5 million to supportive NGOs), and Susan Rice as UN ambassador (backing “humanitarian” wars that open markets for plunder).

They funnel $100 million a year to groups like the Center for American Progress, which gets Soros’s $5 million annually to shape Dem policies on everything from health care to wars. It’s like a private government—donors decide who runs for office, and Soros is the boss, his cash ensuring his picks get the nod.

From the State Department’s marble halls to the Pentagon’s war rooms, the DOJ’s courtrooms, the FBI’s shadowy offices, the CIA’s black ops, the DNI’s intel briefings, the Health Department’s clinics, and even the UN’s glass towers in New York, Soros’s money and influence are everywhere, picking the players and pulling the strings.

Take the State Department—Obama packs it with Soros loyalists like Victoria Nuland, a hawkish diplomat who becomes Assistant Secretary for European Affairs in 2013, her voice sharp as a tack as she pushes U.S. interests in the world’s hotspots.

Nuland’s no stranger to Soros’s web; her husband, Robert Kagan, is a neocon think-tanker at the Brookings Institution, a Soros-funded outfit that shapes foreign policy like a cookie cutter.

When Ukraine’s Maidan protests erupt in 2014, Nuland’s on the ground, handing out sandwiches to demonstrators in Kiev’s freezing square, the air thick with tear gas and chants, while OSF pours $25 million into training, legal aid, and media for the crowds facing riot cops.

Gabbard’s 2025 declassifications show OSF coordinating with NED and CIA for the coup that topples Yanukovych, with Nuland’s leaked call to Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt—“F**k the EU”—proving the State Department’s playing ball with Soros’s “open society” agenda.

It’s not democracy; it’s a script—protests escalate to snipers killing 100 in the snow, Western “aid” backs the new regime, and Ukraine’s resources (grain, gas) open for Western grabs.

The Pentagon’s no different—Obama appoints Ash Carter as Defense Secretary in 2015, a Soros ally from Harvard’s Kennedy School, where OSF funds research on “global security.”

Carter oversees drone strikes in Yemen and Somalia, the air filled with the whine of Predators and the thud of explosions, while OSF funds NGOs in those war zones to “monitor human rights”—code for shaping narratives that justify the ops.

The DOJ gets Eric Holder, Obama’s pick in 2009, who drops Black Panther voter intimidation cases and pushes “progressive” reforms, with OSF’s $10 million to groups like the ACLU lobbying for them.

Now, the Arab Spring—2011’s wave of uprisings that Soros’s web helps orchestrate. In Egypt, Tahrir Square is a sea of protesters chanting for freedom, the air thick with sweat, tear gas, and hope as Hosni Mubarak falls February 11.

Within a week, OSF’s Egypt office supplies a draft constitution to the Muslim Brotherhood, per Al-Ahram reports, handing power to Islamists who open markets to Western firms like ExxonMobil.

OSF’s $10 million funds training and legal aid for protesters, while Hillary Clinton’s State Department (2009–2013) pumps $1.5 billion in “democracy” aid, aligning with Soros’s playbook to install pro-West regimes that sell off resources cheap.

In Libya, NATO’s 2011 bombing—jets screaming over Tripoli, smoke rising from blasted streets—topples Muammar Gaddafi, killed October 20 in a ditch, his screams drowned by gunfire. OSF’s $5 million to Libyan NGOs for “reconstruction” masks market grabs for oil giants like Shell.

Syria’s 2011 uprising turns to barrel bombs and rebel cries, with OSF’s $5 million to anti-Assad groups fueling the fire—whispers of ISIS funding swirl, X posts from @WallStreetApes (2023) claiming CIA arms flowed through Benghazi, where the 2012 attack kills Ambassador Chris Stevens, Hillary’s State Dept slammed for lax security per 2013 Senate reports.

Who funds Hamas? OSF’s $80 million to “pro-terror” groups per CRC’s September 2025 exposé, including $2.3 million to Al-Haq (PFLP-linked, sanctioned 2025 for ICC anti-Israel pushes), and $18 million to Movement for Black Lives, co-authoring Hamas-glorifying guides with tactics like false IDs and blockades. AFGJ (Ayers-founded, OSF-linked) sponsors Samidoun (PFLP ties), organizing anti-Israel protests—patterns suggest indirect funding for destabilization.

Who benefits? Western corporations grab oil and gas, while locals face chaos—funny how “open society” always ends with elite plunder.

The FBI, under Robert Mueller (Obama’s 2011 reappointment), launches Crossfire Hurricane in 2016, probing Trump-Russia ties with the Steele dossier—Soros’s $1 million to Fusion GPS, per Gabbard’s declass, fueling the hoax.

The CIA? John Brennan, a Soros backer, runs it from 2013, leaking to media to smear Trump, with OSF funding “fact-checkers” like Snopes to control the story.

The DNI, James Clapper, oversees the 2017 ICA that falsely pinned Russia for election meddling, and Health gets Kathleen Sebelius for Obamacare, backed by OSF’s $5 million to progressive health NGOs.

Even the UN’s in Soros’s pocket—ambassador Susan Rice (2009–2013) pushes “humanitarian” interventions in Libya and Syria, with OSF’s $5 million to NGOs there aligning with State’s agenda. In Libya 2011, NATO bombs topple Gaddafi—jets screaming over Tripoli, smoke rising from blasted streets as his convoy’s hit October 20, his screams drowned by gunfire in a ditch.

OSF funds “reconstruction,” but it’s chaos for plunder, oil fields snatched by Western firms. Syria’s 2011 Arab Spring sees OSF’s $10 million to anti-Assad groups in Damascus, the air thick with barrel bombs and rebel cries, leading to ISIS’s rise—allegations of CIA arms flows via Benghazi (2012 attack killing Ambassador Stevens, Hillary’s State Dept under fire per 2013 Senate report) swirl, with X posts from @WallStreetApes (2023) claiming OSF ties, though no proof.

Ukraine’s Maidan 2014 is the replay—OSF’s $25 million funds snipers and coups, Nuland at State orchestrating, per Gabbard’s declass.

The Cartel de los Soles—Venezuela’s “Cartel of the Suns”—is the perfect example of Soros’s confusion tactics. Prosecutors and journalists call it a military-political network moving cocaine tons with impunity, indicting generals, ministers, even Maduro.

But leftist voices like Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ, Soros-linked per CRC) label it a “myth” or “narco-mythology,” with UN drug officials and Wikipedia echoing “alleged.”

It’s classic conflation—evidence points to existence, but denials confuse, suiting Soros’s purpose of muddying waters while his web destabilizes for plunder. This is Soros’s onslaught—funding chaos, picking puppets, confusing the truth. Next, Trump’s rise hits his wall.

12.00 : Trump – Soros’s Empire Unleashes Chaos to Stop America First

Alright, grab a seat and let’s walk you through this like we’re down the pub, piecing together a story that’s bigger than a blockbuster.

It’s the late 2010s to early 2020s, and the world’s a right mess—America’s streets are aflame with protests, cities glowing orange from torched cars and looted shops, the air thick with tear gas and the roar of angry crowds. Overseas, Ukraine’s simmering with anti-Russia tension, Venezuela’s a narco-state mess, and anti-Israel marches clog cities with burning flags and chants.

Donald Trump, the brash billionaire with a golden comb-over and a mouth that doesn’t quit, is shaking things up—his “America First” agenda is a direct threat to the globalist empire George Soros has spent decades building.

Now in his late 80s, with a silver mane and a stare that could freeze a pint, Soros is pulling every string in his $32 billion Open Society Foundations (OSF) empire to take Trump down, funding chaos at home and abroad while his donor class cronies stack the deck against the man promising to “drain the swamp.”

We’re going to guide you through this maze, hand in hand, so you see exactly how Soros’s cash and connections try to sink Trump, muddy the truth, and keep the global plunder game alive.

Let’s start with Trump’s shock win on November 8, 2016. The air in New York’s election night parties is electric—TV screens flashing red as Trump takes swing states, crowds roaring at his rallies with the smell of hot dogs and hope.

Soros is livid—he’d dumped $10 million into Hillary Clinton’s super PAC Priorities USA, per FEC filings, bankrolling her campaign with ads and grassroots armies knocking on doors in Ohio’s rust-belt towns.

Hillary, his old mate from the ’90s Russia looting days, was supposed to be the safe bet—carrying on the globalist playbook of open borders and free trade that let Western vultures feast on markets like Russia and Asia.

But Trump’s victory—306 electoral votes to Hillary’s 232—sends a shockwave through Soros’s donor class, that shadowy club of billionaires who don’t just fund campaigns but pick the players who run Washington.

Soros co-founded the Democracy Alliance in 2005 with fat cats like Tom Steyer (hedge fund billionaire, $1.6 billion net worth, pushing green energy for profit) and Haim Saban (Hollywood mogul behind Power Rangers, a big Israel backer).

They funnel $100 million a year to groups like the Center for American Progress, which gets $5 million annually from OSF to shape Dem policies on everything from wars to welfare.

Trump’s “America First” is a dagger to their heart—pulling out of trade deals like TPP, slapping tariffs on China, and promising to curb immigration threaten the global markets Soros’s empire thrives on.

So, Soros unleashes his war chest, funding a resistance to cripple Trump’s presidency from day one.

In 2017, OSF pumps $15 million into groups like Indivisible, per OpenSecrets, organizing anti-Trump protests—think women’s marches flooding D.C.’s streets, pink hats bobbing in the January cold, the air buzzing with chants and the stink of porta-potties.

These aren’t grassroots uprisings—they’re scripted, with OSF-funded organizers training activists in “resistance” tactics, from town hall disruptions to sit-ins, per leaked OSF memos.

Soros’s media machine kicks in too—$3 million to ProPublica and $1.5 million to Snopes, per the Capital Research Center’s September 2025 exposé, to churn out “fact-checks” that whitewash his role while smearing Trump as a Russian stooge.

The Russia hoax is Soros’s big play to sink Trump.

It started in 2016, when Hillary’s campaign hired Fusion GPS (via Perkins Coie law firm) to dig dirt, producing the Steele dossier—a pack of unverified nonsense about Trump’s Russia ties, funded by Clinton/DNC with $168,000.

Soros’s OSF chipped in $1 million to Fusion GPS, per Gabbard’s 2025 declassifications, fueling the hoax that lands on FBI desks. The air in Washington stinks of leaks—CIA’s John Brennan pushes a dodgy “fragment” from Oleg Smolenkov, a low-level Russian source with anti-Trump bias, claiming Putin backed Trump, overriding analysts, per the HPSCI report. FBI’s James Comey launches Crossfire Hurricane in July 2016, using the dossier for FISA warrants on Carter Page, conveniently ignoring Page’s CIA asset history.

Soros-funded Center for American Progress (run by Neera Tanden, a Hillary loyalist) spreads “Trump-Putin” smears from December 2015 emails, while Media Matters ($13 million OSF, 2004–2016) attacks conservative outlets calling it a lie.

The Mueller probe (2017–2019) costs $32 million, indicts Paul Manafort for Ukraine work (Podesta Group, uncharged, did the same), but finds no collusion—yet the damage is done, with headlines screaming “Russia” for years.

Fast forward to the 2020 George Floyd riots, cities ablaze with looted shops and shattered glass, the air stinging with tear gas as protesters clash with cops in a storm of anger over police brutality. —a year of chaos that Soros’s empire exploits to the hilt.

The George Floyd riots erupt in May after Floyd’s death in Minneapolis, cities burning with looted shops and shattered glass, the air thick with tear gas and the roar of angry crowds. OSF pours $18 million into the Movement for Black Lives, per CRC’s 2025 report, which co-authors a guide glorifying Hamas’s October 7, 2023, massacre (1,200 dead in Israel) and teaching tactics like false IDs, blockades, and economic sabotage.

The Alliance for Global Justice (AFGJ), founded by Bill Ayers—the 1960s Weather Underground bomber who blew up federal buildings and dodged jail—gets indirect OSF cash via the Tides Foundation ($4 million OSF, 2016–2020), sponsoring groups like Samidoun, sanctioned by the U.S./Canada in October 2024 for ties to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a terrorist outfit.

AFGJ backs the ANSWER Coalition, organizing anti-Israel protests in 2023–2024, crowds chanting “Free Palestine” amid burning flags and broken windows, per CRC.

OSF also funds the Sunrise Movement, tied to the Antifa-linked Stop Cop City campaign in Atlanta, where activists face 40+ terrorism charges for attacking a police training site near mining land—a classic Soros move to stir chaos for resource grabs.

COVID-19 hits in 2020, and Soros’s empire jumps in—OSF pumps $100 million into “public health” NGOs, per AP reports, shaping vaccine mandates and lockdown policies that crush small businesses while Amazon and Big Pharma rake in billions.

The air’s thick with fear—hospitals overflow, masks muffle protests, and folks queue for tests in the cold. Soros’s $70 million for “voter access,” per OSF records, funds groups like Fair Fight, led by Stacey Abrams, a Georgia activist with a knack for rallying Black voters.

Abrams pushes mail-in ballots amid COVID chaos, claiming it’s about democracy, but critics like @WallStreetApes on X (2020) call it a setup for election rigging—Trump loses to Biden in November 2020, with 81 million votes to 74 million, amid whispers of fraud in swing states like Georgia and Pennsylvania.

Globally, Soros keeps the chaos burning. In Ukraine, OSF funds $50 million (2015–2020) for anti-Russia NGOs, building on the 2014 Maidan coup ($25 million for protesters, snipers killing 100 in Kiev’s snowy square), per OSF’s 2014 “Keep the Spirit of the Maidan Alive.”

Gabbard’s 2025 declass shows OSF coordinating with CIA/NED, with Victoria Nuland at State orchestrating the coup to install pro-West regimes, opening Ukraine’s grain and gas for Western grabs. Anti-Israel protests ramp up—OSF’s $80 million to “pro-terror” groups like Al-Haq ($2.3 million, PFLP-linked, sanctioned 2025) fuels ICC campaigns against Israel, per CRC. AFGJ’s ANSWER Coalition organizes 2023–2024 marches, burning flags and chanting for Palestine, tied to OSF via Tides.

The Cartel de los Soles is the kicker—Venezuela’s military-political network, accused of moving tons of cocaine, with U.S. indictments (2020) naming Maduro and generals. But AFGJ, COHA analysts, and UN drug officials call it a “myth” or “narco-mythology,” per Wikipedia’s “alleged” label.

It’s Soros’s classic con—deny the truth, muddy the waters, let the chaos roll. His empire—OSF, Democracy Alliance, AFGJ—funds resistance to Trump, from riots to hoaxes, keeping the global plunder game alive.

Georgetown, October 2016. The parlor’s oak-paneled walls soak up the dim light, cigar smoke curling around a crystal chandelier that tinkles faintly with the breeze. Soros, 85, sits legs crossed, his silver hair catching the glow, his voice a quiet blade: “Trump’s a problem we can solve.” Across from him, Stefan Halper, 72, a wiry ex-CIA man with a donnish air, slides a dossier across the table, his fingers twitching with nerves. “This’ll bury him,” Halper says, his voice a rasp from too many late nights.

The room hums with unspoken stakes—millions of Soros’s dollars, a web of favors, and a nation on the edge. The dossier, penned by Christopher Steele, 52, in a Mayfair flat, drips with salacious claims—Trump with prostitutes, Russian leverage. “It’s thin,” Halper admits, but Soros waves a hand. “It’s enough.”

In Kyiv, Alexandra Chalupa, 39, hunches over a laptop in a cramped office, the air thick with coffee and tension. “Dig deeper,” she mutters to Natalie Budaeva, 35, a Ukrainian analyst with sharp eyes, as they sift through anti-Russia dirt for the DNC.

Soros’s $2 million Democracy Integrity Project (DIP filings) funds their Free Russia Foundation, a hub buzzing with voices plotting Trump’s fall. Back in D.C., Strobe Talbott, 70, meets old Oxford mates—Richard Dearlove, 71, ex-MI6 chief with a gravelly chuckle, and Jonathan Clarke, 65, a Hakluyt consultant—in a smoky lounge. “He’s a threat,” Talbott says, sipping scotch, his diplomatic polish masking a fierce resolve. Dearlove nods, his mind on Steele’s work.

Trump rallies thunder across the heartland—Ohio, Pennsylvania, Florida—his voice a bellow against the wind. “They’re lying!” he shouts to 20,000, fists raised, the crowd roaring back.

Soros watches from his estate, the air sweet with pine, his phone buzzing with updates. “Push the narrative,” he tells an aide, his voice steady. Crossfire Hurricane ignites—FBI taps hum, leaks drip to The Washington Post. “Kremlin puppet,” the headlines scream, October 31, 2016. Soros leans back, a chessmaster in twilight, his moves decades in the making.

Epilogue: The Man Behind the Curtain

Hudson Valley, June 25, 2025, 5:33 PM AEST. Soros, 95, stands on his estate’s porch, the air sweet with pine and the distant hum of a lawnmower cutting through the dusk.

The Hudson River glimmers below, a silver thread in the fading light. His $25 billion empire (Forbes) looms large, a tool forged from Budapest’s ashes to global strings. The wind rustles his silver hair as he gazes out, his breath shallow but his mind sharp.

To some, he’s a saint of liberty; to others, a devil in a suit, his hands stained with the blood of nations. The official story crumbles—decades of leaks, from WikiLeaks to X posts (@WallStreetApes), paint a man tangled in Western intelligence, a player in every conflict since the Cold War.

You’ve walked his path—from a boy dodging Nazis to a titan bending markets, from London’s fog to Sarajevo’s ruins. The Fabians whispered in his ear, Maxwell and Stirling shaped his world, Clinton and Talbott danced with his dollars, and Trump felt his wrath. Hero or villain? The shadows hold the truth, and they don’t speak—but the story does. Stand and decide.

Sources: 60 Minutes (1998), Hungarian National Archives, OSS files (1946), Masquerade (1965), LSE records, MI5 files (2005), LSE archives, The Guardian (2001, 2004), The Times (1995), FCO files (2010), Forbes (1987), SEC filings, DOJ (1983), The Nation (2016), Solidarity records, CIA archives (1987), PBS (2003), OSF archives, NSC memos (1990), State Dept. (1993), Time (1991), ONS, Fortune (1992, 1998), Bangkok Post, IMF, Thai Labor Ministry, KL transcripts (1998), Russian Audit Chamber (1998), Rosstat, World Bank, State Dept. leaks, Financial Times (1997), BAE files (2006), MI6 leaks (2010), Balkan Insight (2015), FEC, DOJ IG, Politico (2017), DIP filings, Forbes (2025).

The Obama Era Onslaught – Soros’s Donor Class Empire Strikes at Trump’s Door

by Brendan Power

Havachat.com TradeMark pending

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